LIBRARY 

UNIVERSITY  OF 
CALlfORNi* 

SAN  DIEGO 


THE 


LIFE  AND  TIMES 


OK 


ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 


BY 


SAMUEL  M.  SMUCKER,  A.M., 

AUTHOR    OF    "THE    COURT    AHD    REIGN   OP  CATHERINE    IT.,"    "EMPEROR 
NICHOLAS  i.,"  "MEMORABLE  SCENES  IN  FRENCH  BISTORT,"  ETC. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

I.  W.  BRADLEY.  48  NORTH  4rH  8T 
185S. 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1856,  by 
J.  W.  BRADLEY, 

in  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States,  for  the  Easter* 
District  of  Pennsylvania. 


PHILADELPHIA  : 

SIERKOTTPKD    BT    6 EURO K    CHARLES. 
PRINTED  BT    KING   *   BAIRD. 


PREFACE. 


THE  want  of  a  complete  and  satisfactory  yet  suc- 
cinct and  popular  life  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  has 
long  been  felt  by  the  reading  public ;  and  when  we 
remember  the  very  eminent  position  which  he  occu- 
pies in  American  history,  it  is  somewhat  singular 
that  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  execute  such  a 
work.  The  Memoir  published  by  his  son,  John  C. 
Hamilton,  is  excellent  as  far  as  it  goes;  although  it  is 
not  only  unfinished,  but  is  also  too  cumbersome  and 
diffuse  for  the  popular  reader.  The  small  work  of 
Dr.  Renwick,  though  well  adapted  to  the  purpose 
for  which  it  was  written,  was  necessarily  very  super- 
ficial and  incomplete.  I  am  not  aware  that  any 
other  reliable  Memoir  of  Hamilton  is  in  existence. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  following  pages,  I  have 
freely  used  and  appropriated  all  the  sources  of  infor- 
mation which  were  accessible  to  me  on  the  subject. 
1*  (v) 


VI  PREFACE. 

These  include  the  most  important  publications 
which  were  cotemporary  with  the  events  narrated ; 
together  with  all  the  published  works  of  Hamilton, 
and  the  existing  biographies  of  himself,  his  asso- 
ciates, and  his  opponents.  The  fierce  passions  and 
jealousies  of  that  memorable  era  in  which  Hamil- 
ton figured  and  flourished,  have  now  been  laid  to 
rest  in  the  slumber  of  the  tomb ;  and  he  who  at- 
tempts at  the  present  day  to  write  the  history  of 
this  great  man,  may  claim  at  least  one  advantage 
over  his  predecessors — that  he  has  no  temptation 
from  party  prejudice  and  bias,  either  to  color,  ex- 
aggerate, or  suppress  the  truth. 

The  remarkable  incidents  of  Hamilton's  career 
will  never  lose  their  singular  power  to  attract  and 
instruct  mankind ;  for  they  furnish  impressive  illutj- 
trations  both  of  the  brightest  and  the  basest  ele- 
ments of  human  character.  The  brightest  all  ap- 
pertained to  himself;  the  basest  belonged  to  those 
by  whom  he  was  surrounded  and  assailed.  Few- 
men  have  ever  lived  whose  virtues  were  so  trans- 
cendent, whose  motives  were  so  disinterested,  whose 
usefulness  was  so  extensive  and  so  permanent;  yet 
there  never  lived  a  uiau  against  whom  the  enviov-a, 


PREFACE.  VU 

the  malicious,  and  the  vile,  fabricated  so  many 
baseless  and  absurd  slanders,  and  illustrated  by 
the  aspersions  which  they  cast  upon  him,  and  by 
the  filthy  slime  of  their  hate  with  which  they  en- 
deavored to  pollute  him,  how  despicable  humanity 
in  their  own  persons  could  become.  To  a  very 
eminent  degree  Hamilton  paid  the  natural  pen- 
alty which  superior  genius  and  distinction  must 
always  suffer  from  the  envious,  the  disappointed, 
and  the  obscure. 

With  the  lapse  of  time  the  false  impressions 
which  once  existed  in  reference  to  the  political 
principles  and  personal  qualities  of  the  subject  of 
this  history,  have  gradually  become,  in  a  great 
measure,  rectified.  I  have  attempted  in  the  fol- 
lowing pages  to  aid  in  accomplishing  this  result. 
My  endeavor  has  been  to  describe  Hamilton  pre- 
cisely as  he  was;  neither  to  set  down  aught  in 
malice,  nor  yet  unfairly  to  extenuate.  I  remem- 
bered the  severe  order  given  by  Cromwell  to  the 
limner  who  executed  his  portrait,  to  paint  him  as 
he  was,  and  not  to  omit  the  warts  which  embel- 
lished his  stern  visage.  Such  defects  as  Hamilton 
really  possessed  have  not  been  overlooked.  The 


Vlii  PREFACE. 

immortal  statesman  and  orator  would  himself  have 
directed  his  biographers  thus  to  write  of  him,  had 
he  lived  to  guide  and  counsel  them.  And  after 
having  thus  been  true  to  history  in  exhibiting  what 
may  have  been  defective  in  the  principles  or  the 
conduct  of  Hamilton,  we  are  convinced  that  every 
impartial  reader  must  admit  that,  if  Washington 
is  esteemed  first  in  war,  in  peace,  and  in  the  hearts 
of  his  countrymen,  Hamilton,  beyond  all  question, 
deserves  to  be  regarded  as  the  second. 

SAMUEL  M.  SMUCKER. 

PHILADELPHIA,  November,  1856. 


CONTENTS. 


•Ml 

PREFACE 5 

INTRODUCTION. 

Mission  of  American  Statesmen — First  Colony  Founded  in 
America — Successive  Establishment  of  all  the  American 
Colonies— Their  Growth— The  "  Old  French  War"— Sub- 
sequent History  of  the  Colonies — The  Stamp  Act — Con- 
duct of  the  British  Parliament — Outbreak  of  the  Revo- 
lutionary Struggle — First  Meeting  of  the  Continental 
Congress — Declaration  of  American  Independence — The 
Grand  Drama  begins 15 

CHAPTER  I. 

Birth  of  Alexander  Hamilton — His  Ancestors — His  Early 
Schooling — Enters  a  Counting-house — Propitious  Acci- 
dent— Sails  for  New  York — His  Studies  at  Elizabethtown 
— He  enters  Columbia  College' — His  Studious  Habits  and 
Progress — His  First  Public  Oration — Its  Effects  and  Pro- 
mise of  Future  Success 25 

CHAPTER  II. 

Colonial  Affairs  in  New  York  in  1774 — Dr.  Cooper — Dr. 
Ingles — Dr.  Seabury — Hamilton's  First  Political  Pam- 
phlet— Its  Merits  and  Effects — Increase  of .  Hamilton's 
Fame — Incidents  of  1775 — He  enters  the  Continental 
Army  in  1776 — Is  appointed  Private  Secretary  and  Aid- 
de-Camp  to  Washington  —  Gains  Washington's  entire 

Confidence — His  Conduct   in  his  New  Sphere 34 

(ix) 


X  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  III. 

MM 

Events  of  1777 — Conspiracy  against  Washington  in  the 
Army  and  in  Congress — Hamilton's  Mission  to  Gates — 
His  Success — Events  of  1778 — Hamilton's  Conduct  at 
Monmouth — Lee's  Retreat — Lee's  Subsequent  Court  Mar- 
tial— Hamilton's  Growing  Fame — His  Popularity  with 
the  Army — Lafayette 59 

CHAPTER    IV. 

Events  of  1780 — Financial  Difficulties  of  the  Colonies — Ha- 
milton's Financial  Schemes — Robert  Morris — Bank  of 
United  States  Proposed — Hamilton's  Letter  to  Robert 
Morris — French  Aid  sent  to  the  Colonies — Causes  of  the 
Friendly  Interposition  of  France — Treason  of  Arnold — 
Hamilton's  Projects  for  the  National  Prosperity — Hia 
Letter  to  James  Duane — Hamilton  appointed  Minister 
to  France — He  Declines 73 

CHAPTER  V. 

Marriage  of  Hamilton — Quarrel  between  Hamilton  and 
Washington — Hamilton  Retires  from  the  Camp — His 
Plan  of  a  National  Bank — Writes  the  Continentalist — 
He  Returns  to  the  Camp — Incidents  at  Yorktown — He- 
roism of  Hamilton  at  the  Capture  of  Cornwallis — Glo- 
rious Results  of  that  Victory — Hamilton  Returns  to 
Albany — Commences  the  Study  of  the  Law — Is  Ap- 
pointed Receiver  of  Continental  Taxes — His  Admission 
to  the  Bar 91 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Hamilton  Elected  a  Member  of  Congress — His  Activity 
there — His  Financial  Expedients — Revolutionary  Claims 
— Assists  in  Arranging  the  Preliminaries  of  Peace  be- 
tween the  United  States  and  Great  Britain — Claims  of  the 
Continental  Army  on  Congress — His  Views  on  Taxation 
and  Imports — Supports  the  Establishment  of  a  Military 
Hospital — His  Labors  as  Chairman  of  the  Military  Com- 
mittee— Revolt  among  the  Pennsylvania  Troops  of  the 
Continental  Army 122 


CONTENTS.  XI 

CHAPTER   VII. 

PAQB 

Hamilton  Returns  to  Albany — Resumes  the  Practice  of 
the  Law — Particulars  Respecting  the  First  Case — His 
Forensic  Learning  and  Eloquence — His  Publication  of 
"  Phocion" — Its  Effects — He  Drafts  his  Constitution  of 
the  Bank  of  New  York — Hamilton's  Views  on  the  Sub- 
ject of  American  Stavery — His  Conduct  in  Reference 
to  a  Slave — Lafayette's  Opinions  on  the  same  subject...  146 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Establishment  of  the  Society  of  the  Cincinnati — Its  Consti- 
tution and  Purposes — Popular  Prejudice  against  it — Jef- 
ferson's Opinions  in  Reference  to  it — The  Convention  at 
Annapolis — Hamilton's  Activity  and  Influence  in  that 
Body — Is  Elected  a  Member  of  the  New  York  Legisla- 
ture— His  Labors  there — Is  the  means  of  Establishing 
the  New  York  University 161 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Difficulties  between  the  States  of  Vermont  and  New  York — 
Hamilton's  Speech  on  the  Subject — A  Federal  Constitu- 
tion Proposed  by  Hamilton — Condition  and  Wants  of  the 
Country — Articles  of  Confederation — Virginia  Proposes 
a  Federal  Convention — Hamilton  Chosen  to  Represent  the 
State  of  New  York  in  it — His  Important  Labors  in  that 
Convention — Drafts  the  Constitution  of  the  United  States 
— Provisions  of  that  Constitution — Great  Difficulties  to 
be  Overcome — Its  Final  Adoption 176 

CHAPTER  X. 

The  First  Election  of  Federal  Officers — Reluctance  of  Wash- 
ington to  accept  the  Presidency — His  Letters  on  the  sub- 
ject— Washington  is  Elected  President — State  of  Parties 
in  the  United  States  at  that  time — Selection  of  Washing 
ton's  Cabinet — Hamilton  chosen  Secretary  of  the  Trea- 
sury— His  first  Report  on  Public  Credit — His  Report  on 
the  Revenue — Origin  of  the  Animosity  between  Hamil- 
ton and  Jefferson — Hamilton'sReport  on  a  National  Bank 


Xli  CONTENTS. 

BASS 

— Controversy  respecting  State  Power  and  Federal  Rights 
— Fierce  conflicts  in  Washington's  Cabinet — His  attempt 
to  Harmonize  its  Members 206 

CHAPTER  XL 

The  Authorship  of  the  Federalist — Its  Relative  Position  in 
American  Literature — The  Period  of  its  Publication — Its 
General  Scope  and  Purpose — Its  Specific  Parts  or  Sub- 
divisions—Its General  Conclusions  and  Results — its  Pe- 
culiarities of  Style — Its  Clearness  —  Beauty  —  Logical 
Power — Metaphysical  Profundity — Colossal  Thoughts — 
Antithetical  Force — Employs  Contributions  and  Illustra- 
tions from  every  Department  of  Science — Influence  of  the 
Federalist  on  American  Affairs — Its  Foreign  Fame  and 
Influence — Its  future  Conservative  Influence  on  the  Ame- 
rican Union 257 

CHAPTER  XII. 

Proceedings  of  M.  Genet— Remonstrance  of  the  British 
Minister — Conflicts  in  the  Cabinet — Opinion  of  Hamilton 
respecting  Prizes  taken  in  War — Le  Petit  Democrat — 
Hamilton's  Report  on  the  Public  Credit — His  various 
other  Reports  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — He  Writes 
his  celebrated  Pacificus — Changes  in  Washington's  Ca- 
binet— Hamilton  Resigns  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury — 
Opposition  of  Albert  Gallatin  to  Washington — Hamil- 
ton Vindicates  the  President 282 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

Charge  of  Officiat  Fraud  made  against  Hamilton — He  De- 
fends Himself — Affair  of  Maria  Reynolds — Conspiracy  to 
Extort  Money — Perverted  by  Hamilton's  Enemies  to  serve 
Party  Purposes — His  Final  and  Triumphant  Vindication 
of  Himself— Hamilton  Devotes  himself  to  the  Labors  of  hia 
Profession  —  Writes  Camillus  —  Threatened  War  with 
France — Active  Measures  of  Defense  taken  by  the  United 
States — The  Difficulties  Finally  Adjusted — Hamilton  Pub- 
lishes Manlius  and  The  Stand— He  Writes  Washington's 
Farewell  Address HO 


CONTEXTS.  Xlll 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

PAQS 

New  York  Political  Parties — Their  Origin  and  History — 
The  Whigs  and  Tories — General  Schuyler — George  Clin- 
ton— Aaron  Burr — His  Political  Career — Burr's  Efforts 
in  1800  to  Secure  the  Triumph  of  the  Anti-federal  Party 
in  New  York — Hamilton's  Energetic  Efforts  to  Defeat 
them — Burr  Elected  Vice-President  of  the  United  States 
— Death  of  Hamilton's  Son  in  a  Duel — Observations  of 
Burr  in  reference  to  this  Event 319 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Growing  Hostility  between  Burr  and  Hamilton — Their  Re- 
spective Qualities  and  Dissimilarity  of  Character — Burr 
becomes  a  Candidate  for  the  office  of  Governor  of  New 
York — He  is  Defeated  by  the  Efforts  of  Hamilton — Commu- 
nication of  Dr.  Cooper — First  Letter  of  Burr  to  Hamilton 
— Hamilton's  Reply— The  succeeding  Correspondence  be- 
tween them — Futile  Efforts  at  Conciliation 330 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Burr's  Explanation  of  his  Grievances — Mr.  Van  Ness — Judge 
Pendleton  —  Hamilton's  Honorable  Concessions  —  Burr 
Challenges  Hamilton — The  Challenge  Accepted — Further 
Attempts  of  Judge  Pendleton  to  conciliate  and  avoid  a 
Meeting — His  Failure 342 

CHAPTER    XVII. 

Hamilton  Prepares  for  the  Meeting — His  Will — His  Written 
Testimony  against  Duelling — Time  and  Place  for  the  In- 
terview Appointed — Meeting  of  the  Parties — Rules  to 
Govern  their  Conduct — Hamilton  falls 355 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

The  Nature  of  Hamilton's  Wound — He  is  Removed  to  the 
House  of  Mr.  Bayard — His  Interview  with  Dr.  Mason — 
His  Interview  with  Bishop  Moore — He  Receives  the 
Lord's  Supper — His  Religious  Opinions — Ilia  Last  Inter- 
view with  his  Family — His  Death — His  Funeral — Oration 


XIV   •  CONTENTS. 

PAOl 

of  Gouverneur  Morris — Universal  Sorrow  at  his  Death — 
He-marks  of  Burr  on  Hamilton's  Death 366 

CHAPTER   XIX. 

The  Effects  of  Hamilton's  Death — His  Peculiar  Intellectual 
Qualities — His  Logical  Powers — His  Fertile  Imagination 
— His  Profound  Learning— His  Untiring  Industry — His 
Abilities  as  a  Writer — His  Eloquence  as  a  Speaker — His 
Moral  Qualities — His  Integrity — His  Sincerity — His  For- 
titude as  a  Soldier — His  Unequaled  Abilities  as  a  States- 
man and  Patriot — His  Failings — His  Duel  with  Burr — 
His  Personal  Appearance — Subsequent  History  of  Mrs. 
Hamilton — Her  Interview  with  Aaron  Burr — Her  Death 
— *  ate  of  Burr 283 


ALEXANDEE    HAMILTON 


INTRODUCTION. 

MISSION  OF  AMERICAN  STATESMEN — FIRST  COLONY  FOUNDED  IN  AMERICA 
— SUCCESSIVE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  ALL  THE  AMERICAN  COLONIES — • 
THEIR  GROWTH — TBE  "OLD  FRENCH  WAR" — SUBSEQUENT  BISTORT  OF 
THE  COLONIES — THE  STAMP  ACT — CONDUCT  OF  THE  BRITISH  PARLIA- 
MENT— OUTBREAK  OF  THE  REVOLUTIONARY  STRUGGLE — FIRST  MEETING 
OF  THE  CONTINENTAL  CONGRESS — DECLARATION  OF  AMERICAN  INDE- 
PENDENCE— THE  GRAND  DRAMA  BEGINS. 

THE  genius  and  enterprise  of  Columbus  dis- 
covered an  unknown  world ;  but  it  fell  to  the  lot 
of  other  men  to  perform  the  noble  task  of  adorn- 
ing that  world  with  the  triumphs  of  civilization, 
with  the  trophies  of  art  and  science,  with  fair, 
stately,  and  enduring  structures  of  civil  and  reli- 
gious liberty.  In  the  accomplishment  of  this  mis- 
sion, some  of  the  most  remarkable  personages  who 
ever  lived  were  called  into  prominence  and  activity ; 
and  in  the  fulfillment  of  the  destiny  designated  for 
them  by  Providence,  they  won  for  themselves  undy- 
ing names,  and  erected  monumenta  oere  perenniont, 
which  will  engage  and  retain  the  admiration  of 

(15) 


16  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

men  in  all  coming  time.  One  of  the  most  distin- 
guished of  these  was  Alexander  Hamilton. 

As  the  life  and  abilities  of  this  great  man  were 
devoted  to  the  establishment  of  the  government, 
and  the  attainment  of  the  liberties  of  the  American 
confederacy,  it  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  preface 
the  history  of  his  remarkable  career,  by  a  brief 
survey  of  those  events  which  immediately  preceded 
his  appearance  on  the  scene  of  action,  and  which 
directly  prepared  the  way  for  his  own  subsequent 
achievements. 

The  first  attempt  to  found  a  colony  in  the  new 
world  was  made  by  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,  in  the  year 
1585.  It  failed ;  but  the  enterprise  was  more  suc- 
cessfully renewed  by  Captain  John  Smith,  in  Vir- 
ginia, in  1607.  That  colony  located  at  Jamestown 
was  destined  to  live,  though  brought  on  several 
critical  occasions  to  the  verge  of  ruin.  In  the  same 
year  a  small  colony  was  also  attempted  on  the 
Kennebec  River,  but  it  did  not  succeed.  Yet  the 
reports  which  were  conveyed  to  England,  in  refer- 
ence to  the  new  continent,  were  the  cause  of  the 
emigration  of  the  Puritans,  who,  in  1620,  founded 
the  Plymouth  colony  in  the  province  of  Massachu- 
setts. In  1636  the  colony  of  Rhode  Island  was 
commenced  by  Roger  Williams ;  and  in  the  same  year 
that  of  Connecticut  was  established  by  a  clergyman 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  17 

named  Hooker,  who,  like  Williams,  was  an  emi- 
grant and  an  exile  from  Massachusetts.  In  1623  New 
Hampshire  was  first  settled,  Maine  in  1635,  Maryland 
in  1633,  South  Carolina  in  1650,  New  York  about 
1600,  New  Jersey  in  1664,  and  Pennsylvania  in  1682. 
The  other  colonies  were  afterward  founded  and 
established  at  successive  periods ;  sometimes  by 
emigration  from  the  older  communities  already 
named,  and  sometimes  by  direct  emigration  from 
the  countries  of  Europe.  Georgia  was  the  last  of 
the  thirteen  original  colonies  which  was  estab- 
lished, having  been  founded  by  General  Oglethorp, 
in  1732. 

During  the  progress  of  a  century  this  family  of 
incipient  empires  flourished  together  in  harmony ; 
gradually  increasing  their  strength,  numbers,  and 
resources.  The  only  foe  with  whom  they  had  to 
contend  were  the  fierce  savages  of  the  primitive 
wilds,  whose  ancient  and  untilled  heritage  they  had 
rudely  appropriated  to  themselves.  Many  dark  and 
bloody  scenes  were  enacted  between  the  belligerent 
races,  some  of  the  thrilling  details  of  which  have 
now  descended  to  oblivion ;  but  stout  hearts  were 
often  requisite  in  those  primeval  times,  to  resist 
undismayed  the  vengeance  of  the  despoiled  and 
enraged  children  of  the  forest. 

In  1754  the  first  conflict  with  an  external  and 


18  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

civilized  foe  took  place.  Then  the  old  French  war 
occurred  between  the  British  colonies,  and  those  of 
the  French,  in  Canada,  and  along  the  Mississippi. 
The  question  of  boundary  between  England  and 
France  had,  for  many  years,  been  a  subject  of  use- 
less and  unavailing  negotiation.  The  sword  alone 
Beemed  able  to  solve  the  difficulty.  In  1753  France 
endeavored,  by  establishing  a  chain  of  military 
posts  along  the  Ohio  River  and  the  Lakes,  to  con- 
nect together  their  possessions  in  Canada  with  those 
on  the  Mississippi,  and  thus  to  confine  the  British 
colonists  to  a  small  and  narrow  territory  along  the 
Atlantic  Ocean,  and  perhaps  eventually  even  to 
expel  them  entirely  from  the  country.  Various 
conflicts  ensued  between  the  British  and  French 
colonial  troops.  In  1755  the  memorable  defeat 
of  Braddock  took  place  at  Fort  Du  Quesne,  and 
during  three  succeeding  campaigns  the  French  con- 
tinued to  triumph.  On  the  accession  of  William 
Pitt  to  the  British  ministry  in  1756,  the  tide  of 
conquest  was  turned,  the  French  were  repeatedly 
routed,  and  in  1762,  after  hostilities  had  raged  for 
eight  years,  a  general  peace  was  concluded,  by  which 
France  ceded  Canada  to  Britain  ;  and  Spain,  un- 
willing to  encounter  the  uncertainties  of  a  conflict 
with  a  triumphant  and  formidable  power,  ex- 
changed the  Floridas  for  Cuba. 


OF   ALEXANDEK   HAMILTON.  19 

The  British  colonies  then  continued  to  flourish 
with  increased  prosperity ;  but  a  dark  cloud  began 
to  hover  over  them.  In  1765,  under  the  auspices 
of  Mr.  Grenville,  the  British  minister,  the  British 
parliament  passed  the  celebrated  and  obnoxious 
Stamp  Act,  by  which  it  was  enacted  that  all  legal 
instruments  should  be  written  only  on  stamped 
paper  or  parchment,  in  order  to  be  valid.  The 
price  of  this  stamped  paper  was  excessive ;  and 
during  the  seven  months  which  elapsed  before  the 
act  was  ordered  to  take  effect,  the  voice  of  murmur 
and  discontent  began  to  be  heard  in  the  American 
colonies.  At  first  that  discontent  was  uttered  in 
whispers.  It  then  became  louder  and  louder.  At 
length  it  sounded  in  thunder-tones,  which  reverbe- 
rated over  the  whole  length  and  breadth  of  the 
continent.  The  first  organized  resistance  was  made 
in  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  There,  for 
the  first  time,  the  eloquent  voice  of  Patrick  Henry 
was  heard,  and  he  concluded  his  first  speech  in 
defense  of  American  liberties,  by  declaring: — 
"That  every  individual  who,  by  speaking  or  act- 
ing, should  assert  or  maintain  that  any  person  or 
body  of  men,  except  the  General  Assembly  of  the 
province,  had  any  right  to  impose  taxation  there, 
should  be  deemed  an  enemy  to  his  majesty's  colony." 
Soon  the  flame  spread  far  and  wide.  The  Assembly 


20  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  Massachusetts  passed  a  resolution  in  favor  of 
the  meeting  of  a  Continental  Congress,  and  pro- 
posed a  day  for  its  convocation  in  the  city  of  New 
York.  The  proposition  was  accepted  by  all  the 
other  colonies,  excepting  four,  and  their  deputies 
assembled  at  the  appointed  time.  But  their  mea- 
sures were  as  yet  indecisive;  and  they  adjourned 
without  having  accomplished  any  thing,  except  the 
adoption  of  a  Declaration  of  Rights. 

When  the  time  arrived  for  the  Stamp  Act  to  go 
into  operation,  it  was  generally  disregarded  through- 
out the  colonies.  Associations  were  formed  against 
importing  British  manufactures  until  the  law  should 
be  repealed.  The  lawyers  were  prohibited  from 
commencing  any  suits  for  money  due  to  any 
inhabitant  of  England.  The  consequence  of  these 
vigorous  measures  was  that  in  March,  1766,  the 
British  parliament  repealed  the  obnoxious  law. 
But  at  the  same  time  they  passed  an  act  authoriz- 
ing duties  on  glass,  paper,  painters'  colors,  and  tea 
imported  into  the  colonies.  The  parliament  doubt- 
less supposed  that  if  the  colonists  could  abandon 
the  use  of  stamped  paper,  they  could  not  deny 
themselves  the  luxuries  and  conveniences  of  life. 
This  measure  only  kindled  the  fires  of  opposition 
and  rebellion  still  more  fiercely  than  before.  The 
Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  having  passed  resolu- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  21 

tions  exceeding  in  boldness  and  severity  those  of 
any  other  deliberative  body  in  the  colonies,  were 
dissolved  by  George  III.  In  1768,  Mr.  Hancock's 
sloop  Liberty  was  seized  at  Boston,  for  not  having 
entered  all  the  wines  contained  in  her  cargo ;  and 
British  ships  and  regiments  were  sent  to  Boston  to 
aid  the  British  revenue  officers.  The  colonies  re- 
mained hostile  and  rebellious.  This  attitude  of  af- 
fairs induced  the  repeal,  in  1770,  of  all  the  obnox- 
ious duties,  excepting  that  imposed  upon  tea.  Large 
consignments  of  this  article  were  sent  by  the  British 
East  India  Company  to  several  American  ports. 
In  New  York  and  Philadelphia  the  popular  fury 
prevented  the  attempt  to  discharge  the  cargoes. 
At  Boston,  the  tea  sent  for  the  supply  of  that  port 
being  consigned  to  the  particular  friend  of  the  Bri- 
tish governor,  Hutchiuson,  seemed  to  be  in  a  fair 
way  of  delivery,  when  a  party  of  patriots,  disguised 
as  Indians,  boarded  the  ships,  broke  open  the  boxes 
and  threw  the  contents  into  the  sea. 

The  British  parliament  became  enraged  at  this 
decisive  step.  They  passed  an  act  by  which  they 
closed  the  port  of  Boston,  and  removed  its  custom- 
house and  trade  to  Salem.  They  remodeled  the 
charter  of  the  colony  of  Massachusetts,  by  which 
the  whole  executive  government  was  taken  from 
the  people,  and  the  nomination  and  appointment  to 


22  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

all  important  offices  was  vested  in  the  crown.  Thus 
the  property,  life  and  liberty  of  the  colonists  were 
subjected  to  the  arbitrary  caprice  of  the  British 
monarch. 

This  act  of  outrageous  and  unwarranted  despot- 
ism threw  the  whole  continent  into  a  blaze  of  pa- 
triotic indignation,  which  was  increased  when  Gen- 
eral Gage  arrived  at  Boston,  in  1774,  with  a  large 
British  force,  with  the  avowed  purpose  of  dragoon- 
ing the  rebellious  inhabitants  into  submission. 
His  troops  took  military  possession  of  Boston,  and 
fortified  it.  At  this  crisis  all  the  colonies,  then 
thirteen  in  number,  determined  to  summon  a  Con- 
tinental Congress,  for  the  purpose  of  deliberating 
on  the  existing  state  of  their  affairs,  and  ascertain- 
ing what  course  they  would  in  future  pursue.  The 
deputies  met  in  Philadelphia  on  the  5th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1774.  Fifty-four  delegates  appeared,  and  took 
their  seats  in  the  first  Continental  Congress.  They 
met  in  a  now  obscure  building  entitled  Carpenter's 
Hall,  which  deserves  the  immortal  honor  of  be- 
ing the  birthplace  of  the  American  republic.  Pey- 
ton Randolph  of  Virginia  was  chosen  president. 
Among  them  were  found  the  Adamses,  the  Living- 
stons, the  Henrys,  the  Lees,  the  Randolphs,  the 
Rutledges,  and  the  Jays.  It  was  here  that  the 
matchless  and  thrilling  eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  23 

was  first  beard  in  the  Congress  of  the  nation. 
After  its  organization,  he  was  the  first  to  break  the 
long  and  painful  pause  which  ensued.  He  spoke, 
and  the  pathos  and  power  of  that  great  speech  have 
been  recorded  and  remembered  by  generations  since, 
and  the  fame  of  it  has  gone  forth  over  all  the  world. 
The  Congress  unanimously  published  a  Declaration 
of  Rights,  formed  an  association  not  to  import  or 
use  British  goods,  sent  a  petition  to  the  King  of 
England,  published  an  address  to  the  inhabitants 
of  that  kingdom,  another  to  the  residents  of  Ca- 
nada, and  a  third  to  the  citizens  of  the  colonies. 

Incensed  by  these  decisive  measures  the  British 
parliament,  instead  of  retracing  their  steps  or  con- 
ciliating the  malecontents,  passed  an  act  restraining 
the  trade  of  the  middle  and  southern  colonies  to 
Great  Britain,  Ireland,  and  the  "West  Indies.  This 
additional  outrage  aroused  the  patriotic  indignation 
of  the  whole  country.  The  day  for  the  amicable 
adjustment  of  the  difficulties  between  the  colonies 
and  the  mother  country  had  now  passed  by  forever. 
Preparations  were  industriously  made  throughout 
all  the  States  for  conflict  with  the  British  forces, 
and  soon  the  lurid  flames  of  war  were  kindled. 
The  first  revolutionary  blood  was  spilt  at  Lex- 
ington. That  battle  aroused  the  continent 
throughout  the  full  extent  of  its  countless  vales, 


24  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

its  fertile  plains,  its  pathless  forests,  and  its  moun- 
tain heights.  The  glorious  struggle  for  liberty  had 
in  fact  begun.  In  July,  1776,  Congress  proclaimed 
the  Declaration  of  American  Independence ;  and 
immediately  afterward  General  Washington  as- 
Bumed  the  command  of  the  continental  army,  then 
assembled  around  the  British  batteries  at  Boston. 
Another  era  of  imrnortal  deeds  had  dawned  upon 
the  world,  and  the  .chief  actors  were  preparing  to 
enter  on  the  stage  and  play  their  destined  parts. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  25 


CHAPTER   I. 

BIRTH  OP  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON — HIS  ANCESTORS — HIS  EARLY  SCHOOL- 
ING— ENTERS  A  COUNTING-HOUSE — PROPITIOUS  ACCIDENT — SAILS  FOR 
NEW  YORK — HIS  STUDIES  AT  ELIZABETH-TOWN — HE  ENTERS  COLUMBIA 
COLLEGE — HIS  STUDIOUS  HABITS  AND  PROGRESS — HIS  FIRST  PUBLIC 
ORATION — ITS  EFFECTS  AND  PROMISE  OF  FUTURE  SUCCESS. 

ALEXANDER  HAMILTON  was  a  native  of  the  Island 
of  Nevis,  in  the  British  West  Indies.  lie  was  born 
on  the  eleventh  day  of  January,  1759.  His  ances- 
tors on  the  paternal  side  were  Scotch;  and  were 
connected  with  the  great  clan  of  the  Harailtous, 
which  has  long  possessed  no  inconsiderable  conse» 
quence  in  Scottish  history.  His  father  had  been 
reared  in  Scotland  to  mercantile  pursuits ;  and  being 
allured  by  the  favorable  prospects  of  trade  which  in- 
vited him  to  St.  Christopher,  he  removed  thither 
when  comparatively  young,  and  had  there  engaged 
in  business. 

Hamilton's  mother  was  of  French  extraction,  and 
was  directly  descended  from  one  of  those  noble  old 
Hugonots  who,  after  the  infamous  revocation  of  the 
Edict  of  Nantes  by  Louis  5IV.,  in  1685,  had  deserted 
his  native  laud  rather  than  basely  betray  his  religion, 
and  had  sought  a  refuge  and  a  home  on  one  of  the 
8  (25) 


SG  THE   LITE   AND   TIMES 

blooming  and  verdant  islands,  which  lie  embosomed 
amid  the  western  main.  The  mother  of  Hamilton 
was  a  woman  of  superior  intelligence  and  rare  beauty. 
When  very  young  she  had  married  a  wealthy  Dane, 
named  Lavine,  against  her  own  wishes,  at  the  in- 
stance of  her  family.  But  the  parties  were  quite 
uncongenial  in  their  tastes  and  characters ;  and  the 
union  proving  a  source  of  much  misery  to  the  lady, 
she  applied  for  and  obtained  a  divorce.  She  then 
removed  to  St.  Christopher,  and  several  years  after- 
ward became  the  wife  of  James  Hamilton,  and  the 
mother  of  Alexander. 

Whilst  he  was  very  young,  Hamilton's  mother 
unfortunately  died,  and  left  him  to  the  charitable 
care  and  protection  of  her  relatives.  They  did  not 
neglect  the  trust,  and  sent  the  orphan  boy  to  school 
at  Vera  Cruz.  His  father  was  at  that  time  very 
much  impoverished,  and  he  remained  in  that  condi- 
tion until  his  death  in  1799.  Alexander,  who  was 
diminutive  for  his  age,  was  entirely  dependent  on 
his  mother's,  relatives  not  only  for  support,  but  also 
for  the  future  guidance  of  his  life.  Yet  at  this  early 
period  the  superior  intelligence  of  the  child  attracted 
general  attention ;  and  those  who  were  interested  in 
his  fate  already  began  to  indulge  hopes  of  a  brighter 
future  for  him,  than  the  misfortunes  of  the  com- 
mencement of  his  career  had  seemed  to  presage. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  27 

Yet  the  extent  of  his  literary  advantages  was  very 
limited.  His  schooling  did  not  long  continue.  He 
had  the  good  fortune  at  that  time  to  enlist  the 
charitable  regard  of  a  Presbyterian  clergyman  name4 
Knox,  and  from  him  he  received  some  useful  in- 
struction and  many  valuable  hints.  These  were  of 
great  service  to  a  youth  so  intelligent  and  so  ardent 
in  the  pursuit  of  knowledge  as  Hamilton ;  but  he 
was  compelled  by  circumstances  to  relinquish  his 
studies  in  1769,  and  enter  the  counting-house  of 
Nicholas  Cruger  at  Vera  Cruz.  In  this  situation  he 
devoted  himself  attentively  to  the  details  of  business; 
and  his  superior  abilities  and  probity  soon  secured 
him  the  confidence  of  his  employer.  At  the  age  of 
fourteen  he  was  intrusted  by  him  with  the  entire 
care  of  his  establishment,  during  his  absence  on  a 
visit  to  the  United  States  in  1770. 

Nevertheless  during  the  period  of  Hamilton's  con- 
nection with  Mr.  Cruger,  his  active  and  inquiring 
mind  was  not  content  with  the  mere  details  and 
responsibilities  of  business,  but  he  employed  his 
leisure  in  extending  his  knowledge.  He  studied 
mathematical  science,  chemistry,  history,  and  gene- 
ral literature.  He  seemed  to  be  conscious  that  a 
higher  destiny  awaited  him,  than  that  which  lay 
immediately  before  and  around  him;  and  he  was 
assiduous  in  the  acquisition  of  knowledge  and  the 


28  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

training  of  those  superior  faculties  whose  mighty 
and  restless  energies  he  already  felt  working  within 
him. 

While  thus  uncertain  as  to  his  future  destiny,  an 
accident  occurred  which  immediately  gave  it  a  para- 
mount and  an  appropriate  direction.  In  1772  a 
furious  and  destructive  tornado,  such  as  the  tropical 
climes  alone  experience,  swept  over  the  Leeward 
Islands  of  the  West  Indies,  carrying  ruin  and  deso- 
lation along  its  pathway.  The  stoutest  hearts  were 
appalled  by  the  fearful  havoc  which  ensued;  and 
while  the  public  mind  was  still  filled  with  awe  and 
consternation  at  its  effects,  a  description  of  the  hur- 
ricane and  of  its  consequences  appeared  in  the  public 
journal  of  the  Island  of  St.  Christopher. 

In  this  event  originated  the  future  greatness  and 
celebrity  of  Hamilton.  The  description  in  question 
was  written  with  such  ability,  and  bore  throughout 
such  unquestionable  evidences  of  a  superior  intellect, 
that  it  attracted  universal  attention,  and  inquiries 
were  industriously  made  for  its  author.  When  it 
was  discovered  that  a  lad  so  young,  so  small,  so 
friendless  as  Hamilton,  had  penned  that  powerful 
production,  the  interest  was  increased  tenfold ;  and 
many  friends  arose  around  him  who  offered  to  send 
him  to  the  United  States  in  order  to  complete  his  edu- 
cation. He  gladly  embraced  the  opportunity.  He 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON-.  29 

received  letters  of  introduction  from  Mr.  K.nox  to 
Dr.  Mason  and  other  distinguished  clergymen  in 
New  York,  and  ample  means  were  furnished  him 
for  his  immediate  support.  In  October,  1772,  he 
sailed  from  the  West  Indies ;  bade  farewell  to  the 
home  of  his  childhood ;  and  set  foot  on  that  land 
with  whose  rising  splendors  his  own  name  and  fame 
were  destined  afterward  to  become  so  closely  and  so 
honorably  identified. 

Having  arrived  in  New  York  and  presented  his 
letters  of  introduction,  Hamilton  concluded,  in  ac- 
cordance with  the  advice  of  his  friends,  to  commence 
his  studies  at  the  Grammar-school  of  Elizabeth- 
town,  then  ably  conducted  by  Francis  Barber.  His 
industry  and  application  here  were  such  as  to  war- 
rant the  brightest  prospects  of  his  future  success. 
In  winter  he  frequently  continued  his  studies  till 
midnight.  In  summer  the  early  hour  of  six  found 
him  intently  at  his  books.  Scarcely  a  year  elapsed 
before  he  was  deemed  fit,  by  his  instructors,  to  enter 
college.  He  accordingly  visited  Dr.  Witherspoon, 
at  that  time  president  of  Princeton  College,  for  the 
purpose  of  being  admitted  to  the  Freshman  class. 
Hamilton  however  desired  to  make  one*  condition 
with  the  faculty  of  the  college,  preliminary  to  his 
matriculation, — a  condition  which  furnishes  singular 
evidence  both  of  his  attainments,  of  his  future  pur- 


SO  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

poses  of  application,  and  of  his  confidence  in  the 
Buecess  of  his  endeavors.  He  wished  to  stipulate 
that  he  might  be  permitted  to  advance  from  one 
class  to  another,  not  by  the  usual  gradations  of  pro- 
gress but  with  as  much  rapidity  as  his  improvement 
in  learning  would  enable  him  to  do.  This  proviso 
was  in  opposition  to  the  usages  and  rules  of  the  col- 
lege; for  if  it  were  granted  to  one,  it  might  be 
demanded  by  many;  and  such  an  arrangement  would 
eoon  throw  all  the  classes  into  confusion.  In  re- 
fusing his  application  Dr.  Witherspoon  however 
added,  that  he  regretted  the  necessity  which  pre- 
vented him  from  complying  with  Mr.  Hamilton's 
request,  "  inasmuch  as  he  was  convinced  that  the 
young  gentleman  would  do  honor  to  any  seminary 
in  which  he  should  be  educated." 

Hamilton  proceeded  from  Princeton  to  New 
York,  and  there  entered  the  institution  now  known 
as  Columbia  College.  In  addition  to  the  usual  col- 
legiate course  he  studied  anatomy.  He  then  thought 
it  not  improbable  that  he  might  devote  his  future 
life  to  the  profession  of  medicine.  He  is  repre- 
sented as  being,  even  at  this  early  period  of  his 
life,  unusually  devout;  that  he  was  regular  in  his 
attendance  on  public  worship ;  that  he  prayed  night 
and  morning  on  his  knees ;  that  his  prayers  were 
marked  by  unusual  eloquence  and  fervor ;  and  that 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  31 

he  was  a  firm  and  sincere  believer  in  the  truth  and 
divine  origin  of  Christianity.  One  of  his  poetical 
productions  at  this  time  was  a  hymn  entitled  the 
"Soul  entering  into  bliss."  Yet  he  was  remarkable 
also  for  the  cheerfulness  and  elasticity  of  his  tem- 
per, and  was  not  reluctant  occasionally  to  enter 
into  every  species  of  innocent  and  honorable  amuse- 
ment. 

But  the  most  stirring  and  portentous  times  were 
now  approaching  in  the  land  of  his  adoption ;  and 
while  Hamilton  was  still  a  member  of  the  college, 
his  great  talents  were  drawn  out  into  active  play 
by  the  force  of  unexpected  circumstances,  while 
yet  a  mere  youth.  At  the  early  age  of  seventeen 
he  took  his  place  prominently  among  American 
orators  and  patriots ;  and  his  great  political  and  na- 
tional career  may  be  said  to  have  commenced  before 
he  left  the  quiet  and  contemplative  shades  of  the 
academy. 

The  circumstances  of  the  case  were  these.  In 
the  year  1769,  the  colony  of  New  York,  like  the 
rest  of  the  nation,  was  in  a  state  of  intense  excite- 
ment. Resistance  to  the  increasing  tyranny  of  the 
British  crown  had  already  begun.  Furious  conflicts 
daily  arose  between  the  incensed  populace  and  the 
civil  and  military  powers  of  the  colony.  A  duty 
having  been  laid  on  tea,  the  British  ministry  deter- 


32  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

mined  that  none  of  that  article  should  be  imported 
except  through  the  East  India  Company,  whose 
privileges  were  exorbitant.  The  people  determined 
to  resist  this  arbitrary  enactment — the  forerunner, 
as  they  justly  feared,  of  other  and  more  detestable 
encroachments  on  their  liberties.  The  British  min- 
isters then  took  the  first  step  pf  retaliation,  and, 
as  we  have  said,  closed  the  port  of  Boston — an 
act  of  the  most  ruinous  tyranny.  A  resolution 
being  formed  to  summon  a  general  Continental 
Congress,  to  take  into  consideration  the  existing 
evils  and  the  peculiar  state  of  the  country,  de- 
legates were  to  be  elected  to  this  Congress  from 
the  State  of  New  York.  The  republicans  or  pa 
triots  desired  that  these  delegates  should  be  chosen 
by  the  whole  mass  of  the  people.  The  British  min- 
istry claimed  the  exclusive  right  to  nominate  them. 
On  July  6th,  1774,  a  great  assembly  of  the  people 
was  held  in  the  suburbs  of  the  city  of  !N"e\v  York, 
and  this  meeting  at  last  determined  to  take  deci- 
sive steps.  But  harmony  of  sentiment  did  not  by 
any  means  pervade  the  assembly.  The  ministry 
were  not  without  the  aid  of  their  hired  representa- 
tives among  its  members  present ;  and  the  discus- 
sions were  both  animated,  hostile,  and  bitter. 

It  was  on  this  interesting  and  important  occasion 
that  Alexander  Hamilton,  then  seventeen  years  of 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  33 

age,  ventured  to  come  forward  to  address  the  mul- 
titude. At  first,  the  youthful  appearance  and  di- 
minutive form  of  the  orator,  operated  strongly 
against  him.  He  also  displayed  that  modesty  and 
hesitation  of  manner  which  is  usually  an  attendant 
of  the  first  inexperienced  efforts  of  great  oratorical 
abilities.  But  he  had  not  proceeded  far  in  his 
address  before  he  recovered  his  self-confidence, 
and  then  the  vigor  of  his  thoughts,  the  clearness 
and  precision  of  his  language,  the  force  of  his 
reasoning,  his  eloquence,  his  pathos,  his  persua- 
sive power,  as  well  as  the  singular  appropriateness 
of  his  delivery,  commanded  the  most  intense 
admiration.  When  he  concluded  his  speech,  his 
ability  and  fame  had  been  placed  beyond  the  reach 
of  dispute  or  question ;  and  he  became  at  once  a 
person  of  consequence,  around  whom  the  future 
hopes  and  interests  of  the  patriots  clustered.  He 
was  thenceforward  known  in  ~New  York  as  the 
"eloquent  collegian."  Yet  notwithstanding  this 
flattering  opening  of  his  public  career,  Hamilton 
still  retained  for  the  present  his  connection  with 
the  college,  and  continued  to  pursue  his  studies 
there  with  his  former  earnestness  and  diligence. 


34  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER  II. 

COLONI/iL  AFFAIRS  IK  NEW  YORK  IN  1774 — DR.  COOPER — DR.  INGLES — 
DR.  8EABDRY — HAMILTON'S  FIRST  POLITICAL  PAMPHLET — ITS  MERITS 
AND  EFFECTS — INCREASE  OF  HAMILTON'S  FAME — INCIDENTS  OF  1775 — 
HE  ENTERS  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY  IN  1776 — IS  APPOINTED  PRIVATE 
SECRETARY  AND  AID-DE-CAMP  TO  WASHINGTON — GAINS  WASHINGTON'S 
ENTIRE  CONFIDENCE — HIS  CONDUCT  IN  HIS  NEW  SPHERE. 

DURING  1774  the  political  excitement  in  New- 
York  became  more  and  more  intense.  In  Sep- 
tember of  that  year  the  Congress  had  assembled  in 
Philadelphia,  and  measures  of  resistance  to  George 
III.  had  been  deliberated  on  and  adopted.  The 
community  had  become  divided  into  two  great 
parties ;  but  in  New  York,  as  elsewhere,  the 
patriots  were  vastly  in  the  majority.  The  chief 
supporters  of  British  despotism  and  supremacy 
were  the  Episcopal  clergy,  who  derived  their  ap- 
pointments and  their  livings  from  the  crown,  and 
who  had  been  taught  to  regard  the  king  as  supreme 
head  both  of  the  church  and  state. 

A  written  controversy  now  ensued  on  the  sub- 
ject of  colonial  affairs  in  New  York,  and  a  series 
of  pamphlets  were  issued  on  both  sides  of  the 
dispute.  It  was  in  this  controversy,  in  which  some 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  35 

ot  the  ablest  men  then  living  participated,  that  the 
youthful  Hamilton  won  his  second  wreath  of  laurels, 
and  received  the  meed  of  well-deserved  renown. 
Rev.  Dr.  Cooper,  the  president  of  King's  or  Colum- 
bia College,  published  a  labored  defense  of  the  acts 
of  the  British  monarch.  He  was  followed  on  the 
same  side  by  Dr.  Ingles,  father  of  the  subsequent 
Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia,  Dr.  Chandler,  Dr.  "Wilkins, 
and  Dr.  Seabury,  afterward  Bishop  of  Connec- 
ticut. On  the  side  of  the  people  were  found  Gov- 
ernor Livingston  of  ISTevv  Jersey,  Mr.  John  Jay, 
and  Mr.  Hamilton,  all  of  whom  put  forth  in  reply 
pamphlets  of  equal  power,  and  of  superior  truth 
and  conclusiveness.  Dr.  Seabury  published  his 
"Free  Thoughts  on  the  Proceedings  of  the  Continen- 
tal Congress."  Dr.  Wilkins  wrote  his  "  Congress 
Canvassed  by  a  "West  Chester  Farmer."  Mr.  Ha- 
milton, several  weeks  after  the  appearance  of  the 
latter,  published  "  A  Full  Vindication  of  the  Mea- 
sures of  Congress  from  the  Calumnies  of  their  Ene- 
mies, in  answer  to  a  letter  under  the  signature  of 
A  West  Chester  Farmer,  whereby  his  sophistry  is 
exposed,  his  cavils  confuted,  his  artifices  detected, 
and  his  wit  ridiculed,  in  a  general  address  to  the 
inhabitants  of  America,  and  a  patricular  address 
to  the  farmers  of  the  province  of  New  York. 
Printed  by  James  Livingston,  1774." 


36  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

The  character  of  Hamilton's  style  as  a  writer,  at 
this  early  period,  may  be  inferred  from  the  follow- 
ing short  extract  from  this  essay: — "Tell  me  not 
of  the  British  commons,  lords,  ministers,  ministe- 
rial tools,  placemen,  pensioners,  parasites — I  scorn 
to  let  my  life  and  property  depend  upon  the  plea- 
sure of  any  of  them.  Give  me  the  steady,  uniform, 
unshaken  security  of  constitutional  freedom — give 
me  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  my  own  neigh- 
bors, and  to  be  taxed  by  my  own  representatives 
only.  What  will  become  of  the  laws  and  courts  of 
justice  without  this?  The  shadow  may  remain, 
but  the  substance  will  be  gone.  I  would  die  to 
preserve  the  law  upon  a  solid  foundation ;  for,  take 
away  liberty,  and  the  foundation  is  destroyed." 

The  West  Chester  Farmer  soon  replied  to  this 
pamphlet  in  terms  of  great  bitterness  and  severity. 
This  brought  out  an  answer  again  from  Hamilton, 
more  lengthy  and  elaborate  than  the  first.  It  was 
a  pamphlet  of  seventy-eight  pages,  entitled  "  The 
Farmer  Refuted ;  or,  a  more  Comprehensive  and 
Impartial  View  of  the  Disputes  between  Great  Bri- 
tain and  the  Colonies,  and  intended  as  a  Further 
Vindication  of  the  Congress.  By  a  Sincere  Friend 
to  America.  1775." 

The  great  ability  displayed  in  these  several  pam- 
phlets, their  calm  and  sagacious  spirit,  and  the 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  87 

jclear  conviction  which  they  carried  to  every  impar- 
tial mind,  attracted  universal  attention.  Their  au- 
thor was  at  first  unknown.  By  some  they  were 
attributed  to  Governor  Livingston,  by  others  to 
Mr.  Jay;  and  the  great  fame  of  these  distinguished 
men  was  even  augmented  by  their  supposed  author- 
ship of  these  productions.  Dr.  Cooper,  president 
of  the  very  institution  in  which  Hamilton  was  then 
a  pupil,  insisted  that  Mr.  Jay  must  be,  and  alone 
could  have  been,  their  author.  "When  it  was  hinted 
that  Alexander  Hamilton,  a  youth  of  eighteen,  was 
suspected  by  some  to  have  written  them,  he  treated 
the  suggestion  as  absurd  in  the  extreme.  Never- 
theless the  truth  came  out  at  last;  and  it  was  proved 
by  Messrs.  Troup  and  Mulligan,  two  associates  of 
Hamilton  to  whom  he  had  read  a  portion  of  the 
manuscript,  that  he  alone  was  the  author. 

It  may  readily  be  supposed  that  the  public  an- 
nouncement of  this  established  fact,  added  greatly 
to  the  fame  of  the  youthful  aspirant.  He  was  univer- 
sally regarded  as  an  intellectual  prodigy  ;  and  bright 
hopes  were  not  unreasonably  entertained  that  one 
possessed  of  such  superior  gifts,  and  such  rare  ability 
to  use  them,  would  yet  attain  high  eminence.  He 
then  received  the  honorable  title  of  the  "  Vindi- 
cator of  the  Congress." 

A  sublime  and  imposing  epoch  had  now  arrived 
4 


38  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

in  history.  During  several  centuries  the  North 
American  continent  had  heen  gradually  filling  up 
with  immigrants  from  various  countries  of  the  old 
world,  but  especially  from  the  British  empire.  The 
colonists  found  these  realms  a  vast  wilderness,  in- 
habited only  by  rude  and  ferocious  savages.  For 
many  years  they  lived  and  toiled  surrounded  by  great 
perils,  with  the  bloody  tomahawk  constantly  hang- 
ing over  their  heads,  and  the  terrific  war-whoop  ever 
resounding  in  their  ears.  Shut  out  from  all  frequent 
or  easy  intercourse  with  the  civilized  world,  they 
endeavored  to  develope  the  rich  resources  of  their 
adopted  home.  They  planted  and  tilled.  They  felled 
the  sturdy  giants  of  the  forest.  They  sowed,  reaped 
and  built.  And  soon  a  fair  and  fertile  paradise  arose 
around  them,  blooming  with  natural  and  artificial 
loveliness,  to  reward  their  faithful  industry,  and  to 
bless  them  and  their  children  with  the  rich  fruition  of 
all  that  men  most  highly  cherish.  They  had  left  be- 
hind them,  beyond  the  rolling  main,  the  detested  fet- 
ters of  the  tyrants  under  whom  their  forefathers  had 
groaned ;  and  no  footmark  of  a  despot  had  ever  yet 
polluted  the  virgin  land  of  their  adoption.  Already 
faint  glimpses  of  the  coming  splendor  and  glory  of 
this  new  world  illumined  the  horizon,  streamed 
across  the  distant  Atlantic,  and  attracted  the  atten- 
tion of  European  monarchs.  The  sovereign  of  Eng- 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  39 

land  especially,  was  strongly  moved.  The  majority 
of  the  colonists  had  been,  and  were  even  still,  his 
subjects.  He  thought  their  prosperity  deserved  and 
invited  taxation.  They  should  not  be  exempt  from 
the  ponderous  burdens  under  which  all  his  other 
subjects  groaned.  He  laid  heavy  taxes,  and  refused  at 
the  same  time  the  coordinate  right  of  representation. 
The  injured  colonists,  who  had  now  at  last  struggled 
through  sufferings,  perils,  and  toils  innumerable,  up 
to  the  possession  of  wealth,  consequence,  and  power, 
without  the  least  assistance  and  protection  from  the 
mother  country,  began  to  show  signs  of  restlessness 
and  dissatisfaction.  Soon  a  storm  of  patriotic  in- 
dignation burst  forth  over  the  whole  land.  The 
thirteen  colonies  became  agitated  like  a  wild  and 
heaving  ocean,  and  the  horizon  was  overhung  with 
dark  and  fearful  portents.  The  sleeping  spirit  of 
Hampden  and  Cromwell  was  aroused.  The  threat- 
enings  of  enraged  and  besotted  kings  were  defied ; 
and  zealous  patriots  might  be  seen  flying  to  and  fro 
in  hot  haste,  proclaiming  the  necessity  of  unyielding 
resistance  to  foreign  oppression;  while  here  and 
there  might  be  heard,  amid  the  discordant  tumult, 
the  savage  night-yell  of  cowardice  and  conservatism. 
A  deadly  conflict  was  inevitable;  a  conflict  on  the 
issue  of  which  depended  the  fate  of  countless  mil- 


40  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

lions  yet  unborn,  and  of  vast  realms  then  just  strug- 
gling into  political  existence. 

As  may  readily  be  supposed,  the  outbreak  of  the 
American  Revolution  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
whole  civilized  world.  Nor  was  that  attention  shun- 
ned by  those  who  had  determined  to  throw  off  the 
supremacy  of  England.  They  proclaimed  to  the 
world  that  they  held  it  as  self-evident  truths  that  all 
men  are  created  free  and  equal,  and  that  all  men 
possess  the  inalienable  right  to  life,  liberty,  and  the 
pursuit  of  happiness.  They  boldly  set  forth  the 
outrages  which  the  King  of  Great  Britain  had  already 
inflicted,  and  still  purposed  to  inflict,  upon  them; 
how  he  had  attempted  to  establish  an  absolute 
tyranny  over  them  ;  how  he  had  withheld  his  assent 
to  the  most  useful  and  necessary  laws  ;  how  he  had 
refused  them  the  right  of  representation,  and  had 
yet  imposed  on  them  heavy  taxes  ;  how  he  had  dis- 
solved their  representative  assemblies  for  resisting 
his  unjust  invasions  of  their  liberty ;  how  he  had 
endeavored  fo  prevent  the  population  .of  the  States, 
and  had  put  forth  his  utmost  efforts  to  restrict  im- 
migration; and  how,  by  many  other  base  acts  of 
hostility  to  their  interests,  and  tyranny  over  their 
rights,  he  had  rendered  himself  their  uncompromis- 
ing and  eternal  foe.  They  concluded  by  pledging 
their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  sacred  honor  to 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  41 

the  support  of  the  cause  in  which  they  had  engaged. 
Europe  especially  gazed  with  profound  attention  on 
the  conflict  about  to  commence.  Her  inhabitants, 
bound  in  heavy  chains,  viewed  it  with  silent  and 
vmuttered  but  ardent  hope  for  the  patriots.  Her 
tyrants,  trembling  on  their  rotten  thrones,  regarded 
its  progress  and  issue  with  painful  doubt  and  appre- 
hension. The  great  problem  of  these  latter  ages  was 
now  about  to  be  solved;  whether  the  long  night  of 
tyranny  was  ever  to  end  over  the  civilized  world, 
and  whether  the  glorious  morn  of  hope  and  freedom 
was  destined  at  length  to  dawn,  and  dispel,  the 
gloom  of  many  centuries. 

"Washington  having  been  chosen  by  the  Conti- 
nental Congress  as  commander-in-chief  of  all  the 
armies  of  the  United  Colonies,  at  once  accepted 
the  important  and  difficult  trust.  He  refused  all 
compensation  for  his  services;  but  stated  that  he 
would  keep  an  account  of  his  actual  expenditures 
during  the  continuance  of  his  office,  which,  as  he 
supposed,  Congress  would  eventually  repay. 

Yet  it  must  be  confessed  that  the  prospects  of  the 
revolutionists  were  not  very  encouraging.  To  con- 
front the  gigantic  power  of  England, — then  as- 
suredly the  first  nation  in  Europe  and  confessedly 
the  mistress  of  the  seas, — the  confederate  colonies 
mustered  in  the  camp  at  Cambridge  fourteen  thou- 
4* 


42  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

sand,  five  hundred  men.  But  even  this  insignificant 
force  was  rendered  in  a  great  measure  inefficient  by 
other  serious  disadvantages.  They  were  in  want  of 
ammunition.  The  magazines  could  furnish  but  nine 
cartridges  for  each  man.  The  troops  were  almost 
destitute  of  clothing,  and  also  of  tents.  Their  arms 
were  inferior  in  quality  and  deficient  in  number. 
Only  a  small  proportion  either  of  the  officers  or  of 
the  men  had  ever  received  much  military  training, 
or  were  familiar  with  military  tactics. 

Yet  none  of  these  great  disadvantages  discouraged 
the  new  commander.  He  busily  set  himself  to  work 
to  improve  the  condition  and  the  training  of  his 
troops.  Boston  was  then  occupied  by  the  British 
army  under  General  Gage,  and  soon  the  town  was 
closely  blockaded  by  the  American  troops.  In 
January,  1776,  Washington  summoned  a  council  of 
war,  and  proposed  to  their  consideration  theprojectof 
making  a  general  assault.  The  decision  was  favor- 
able to  the  attempt ;  and  as  a  preparatory  step  he 
fortified  the  "heights  of  Dorchester,  in  order  to  annoy 
the  British  ships  in  the  harbor,  and  assail  the  town. 
On  the  2d  of  March  Washington  began  a  general 
bombardment  of  the  British  lines.  So  vigorously 
was  this  effected  during  the  twro  succeeding  weeks, 
that  the  British  commander  determined  at  length  to 
evacuate  his  dangerous  and  untenable  position. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  43 

This  purpose  was  carried  into  effect  on  the  17th 
of  March ;  and  the  troops,  marching  forth  from 
their  intrenchments,  embarked  on  board  the  fleet, 
and  sailed  from  Nantasket  road.  Thus  complete 
success  attended  the  exertions  of  the  American 
commander,  in  the  first  important  scene  of  his 
career.  One  of  the  chief  cities  of  the  colonies  was 
released  from  the  grasp  of  the  foe;  and  fortune, 
which  ever  smiles  upon  the  brave,  seemed  to  be  pro- 
pitious to  the  patriots. 

On  evacuating  Boston,  General  Howe  had  sailed 
for  Halifax.  From  that  port  he  directed  his  course 
to  the  city  of  New  York.  On  the  3d  of  July  he 
disembarked  his  forces  on  Staten  Island,  and  found 
the  inhabitants  strongly  in  favor  of  British  rule.  At 
this  period,  large  reinforcements  arrived  from  Eng- 
land, and  the  invading  army  numbered  about  twen- 
ty-five thousand  regular  troops.  To  this  well-fed, 
well-trained,  vigorous  and  efficient  force,  "Washing- 
ton had  but  seventeen  thousand  men  to  oppose, 
three  thousand  of  whom  were  on  the  sick  list.  Yet 
with  this  great  disproportion  in  numbers,  the  Ame- 
rican general  prepared  to  meet  the  British  in  a 
general  engagement. 

The  battle  of  Brooklyn  ensued.  The  two  armies 
were  drawn  out  in  the  best  manner  which,  the  ex- 
ceedingly irregular  nature  of  the  ground  permitted.' 


44 

There  was  indeed  but  little  of  that  gorgeous  dis- 
play of  military  power  and  splendor,  which  at- 
tended the  great  engagements  in  which  Marlbo- 
rough  and  Napoleon  commanded.  The  appearance 
of  the  Continental  troops  especially  was  scarcely 
more  martial  or  imposing  than  that  of  well-regu- 
lated militia.  On  the  27th  August,  at  half  past 
eight,  the  battle  began.  The  immense  extent  of 
ground  over  which  the  combatants  were  scattered, 
rendered  the  movements  of  the  day  exceedingly 
irregular  and  indecisive.  The  American  troops  iu 
various  quarters  were  broken,  driven  back,  and 
hemmed  in  by  the  skillful  marches  and  counter- 
marches of  the  British  regulars.  They  were  pur- 
sued to  and  fro  alternately  by  the  Hessians  and  the 
English,  and  many  were  slain,  wounded,  and  cap- 
tured. It  was  a  disastrous  day  for  the  Americans. 
One  thousand  and  ninety-seven  prisoners  were4 
made  by  the  British,  among  whom  were  Generals 
Sullivan,  Stirling,  and  Woodhull.  Probably  the 
entire  loss,  of  the  Americans  may  have  amounted 
to  two  thousand  men,  that  of  the  British  to  four 
hundred. 

On  the  night  of  the  28th  of  August,  "Washington 
retreated  from  Long  Island.  This  retreat  was  con- 
ducted in  the  most  admirable  order,  and  with  such 
superior  skill  that  all  the  stores  of  the  Americans 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  45 

and  their  ammunition  were  secured,  notwithstand- 
ing the  utmost  vigilance  of  the  British  outposts. 
Washington  has  been  severely  censured  by  military 
men  for  the  conduct  and  the  issue  of  this  disastrous 
>lay.  But  their  strictures  are  undeserved.  The 
object  of  "Washington  was  to  defend  the  city  of 
New  York  from  the  British  troops ;  and  at  the 
same  time  to  waste  away  the  campaign  in  move- 
ments which,  even  if  they  were  not  decisively  in 
favor  of  his  troops,  would  harass  and  dishearten 
his  assailants.  An  indecisive  battle  would  help  to 
accomplish  this  result.  But  the  real  cause  of  the 
disaster  of  Brooklyn  was  the  want  of  cavalry  in  the 
Continental  army.  There  was  not  a  single  troop 
of  horse  among  them.  All  those  operations,  both 
of  offense  and  defense,  in  which  celerity  of  move- 
ment was  of  essential  importance,  were  necessarily 
impossible.  And  besides  all  this,  the  British  troops 
had  vastly  the  advantage  in  numbers,  in  discipline, 
in  ammunition,  and  in  position.  The  influence  of 
this  defeat  on  the  public  mind  was  most  discou- 
raging. The  popular  enthusiasm  was  much  dimin- 
ished. The  American  troops  immediately  evacu- 
ated New  York,  and  the  British  entered  it.  Wash- 
ington still  retreated,  and  took  possession  of  a 
favorable  position  at  White  Plains.  He  wras  inde- 
fatigable in  his  exertions  to  discipline,  accoutre, 


46  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

and  encourage  his  troops  ;  and  in  some  few  skir- 
mishes, which  took  place  between  separate  detach- 
ments of  both  parties,  the  Americans  obtained  the 
advantage. 

On  the  25th  of  October,  General  Howe  deter- 
mined to  attack  Washington  in  his  fortified  position 
at  White  Plains.  The  militia  in  the  American 
army  fled  upon  the  first  assault  of  the  British.  The 
regular  troops  made  a  longer  resistance ;  but  they 
too  eventually  retreated,  though  in  good  order. 
The  victory  again  belonged  to  the  British.  "Wash- 
ington prudently  continued  to  retire,  while  General 
Howe  made  his  preparations  to  invade  New  Jersey. 
Two  important  garrisons — those  of  Fort  Lee  and 
Fort  Washington,  lay  in  his  route,  which  it  behooved 
him  to  take.  After  a  spirited  resistance  both  of 
these  fortresses  surrendered  to  the  assailants.  The 
garrison  which  manned  Fort  Washington  became 
prisoners  of  war.  During  Washington's  further 
retreat  through  New  Jersey  he  was  compelled  to 
sacrifice  his-heavy  cannon  and  military  stores.  The 
position  and  prospects  of  the  patriots  had  already, 
at  the  termination  of  the  second  campaign,  become 
apparently  desperate.  Posted  at  Newark,  Wash- 
ington endeavored  to  concentrate  at  one  point  the 
scattered  troops  of  the  different  colonies — some 
from  Massachusetts,  some  from  Connecticut,  some 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  47 

from  Pennsylvania.  It  was  the  1st  of  December, 
1776,  and  never  did  a  more  gloomy  future  seem  to 
appal  a  commander.  The  American  forces  from 
the  first  had  been  inferior  to  their  opponents  in 
every  respect — in  numbers,  in  ammunition,  in  dis- 
cipline, and  in  experience.  At  that  moment  the 
continued  series  of  disasters  which  had  occurred 
subsequent  to  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  had  de- 
pressed the  spirits  of  the  whole  people,  as  well  as 
of  the  army,  to  the  lowest  ebb.  The  same  patriots 
who,  at  the  commencement  of  the  conflict  had  been 
ardent,  enthusiastic,  and  confident,  now  began  se- 
riously to  despair  of  the  republic.  At  this  moment 
also  the  period  of  the  enlistment  of  a  large  portion 
of  the  Continental  troops  expired,  and  whole  compa- 
nies, in  spite  of  the  utmost  exertions  of  Washington, 
disbanded  and  returned  home.  It  was  confidently 
expected  that,  in  a  few  weeks,  the  whole  army  would 
dwindle  away  and  disappear.  Those  who  remained 
in  camp  seemed  to  be  in  constant  danger  of  being 
surrounded  and  destroyed,  by  the  much  larger  force 
mustered  by  the  British.  Then  Philadelphia  would 
immediately  become  the  prey  of  the  triumphant 
invaders.  "Worse  than  all  this,  there  was  foul  trea- 
son even  in  the  patriot  camp.  General  Howe  had 
issued  a  proclamation  insuring  pardon  and  immu- 
nity to  all  who,  within  sixty  clays,  would  renew 


48  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

their  allegiance  to  the  British  king.  An  insurrec- 
tion soon  occurred  in  Monmouth  county,  New 
Jersey,  against  the  Continental  government ;  and 
even  several  American  generals,  who  had  previously 
stood  high  in  the  confidence  of  the  commander-in- 
chief,  of  Congress,  and  of  the  whole  country,  began 
perfidiously  to  tamper  with  British  officials,  and  to 
take  steps  preparatory  to  making  a  transfer  of  their 
allegiance  from  the  ruined  and  subjugated  colonial 
government  to  the  now  victorious  and  resistless 
English  despot. 

In  this  dark  hour  of  disaster  and  gloom  "Wash- 
ington preserved  his  serenity,  his  confidence,  and 
his  hope.  He  readily  perceived  that  some  decisive 
movement  was  absolutely  necessary  to  inspire  con- 
fidence again  into  the  people  and  the  army,  and 
he  determined  to  make  it.  It  was  then  the  middle 
of  winter.  His  shattered  and  broken  army  lay  in 
their  feeble  and  hastily  prepared  works  on  the 
Pennsylvania  side  of  the  Delaware.  He  formed 
the  daring  "plan  of  attacking  several  of  the  British 
posts  on  the  Delaware,  in  New  Jersey,  at  the  same 
moment,  so  as  to  deliver  Philadelphia  from  the 
impending  danger  of  invasion,  and  compel  the 
British  to  release  New  Jersey  from  the  grasp  in 
which  they  then  held  it.  The  latter  were  posted  at 
Trenton,  Bordeutown,  Mount  Holly,  and  the  White 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  49 

Horse,  though  large  divisions  were  also  placed  at 
Princeton,  Brunswick,  and  Elizabethtown.  On  the 
night  of  the  25th  of  December  the  cold  ,was  in- 
tense, and  the  earth  was  deluged  with  sleet,  snow 
and  hail.  General  Washington  resolved  on  this 
night  to  march  in  person  with  one  division  of  his 
army,  consisting  of  twenty-five  hundred  men,  upon 
the  British  posted  in  Trenton.  General  Irvine  was 
directed  to  cross  the  Delaware  opposite  Trenton, 
and  secure  the  bridge  below  the  town  ;  while  Ge- 
neral Cadvvallader  was  ordered  to  cross  at  Dunk's 
Ferry,  and  attack  the  British  at  Mount  Holly.  All 
these  movements  were  to  be  accomplished  simul- 
taneously, with  secreey  and  celerity ;  and  had  the 
plans  of  the  commander-in-chief  been  promptly 
carried  out,  their  success  would  have  been  com- 
plete and  overpowering.  The  chief  obstacle  wa8 
the  state  of  the  ice  and  of  the  weather,  which  im- 
peded the  troops  in  their  attempt  to  cross  the  Dela- 
ware. In  the  end,  that  portion  alone  of  the  Ame- 
rican army  which  Washington  himself  led,  was 
able  to  effect  a  passage  in  time,  and  with  this  por- 
tion alone  he  achieved  a  brilliant  victory.  He 
reached  the  British  position  at  Trenton  at  eight  in 
the  morning,  and  instantly  commenced  an  attack 
with  the  utmost  fury  and  impetuosity.  The  British 
soon  began  to  waver,  then  to  flee.  Washington 
5 


50  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

intercepted  tliem  in  their  flight,  and  after  a  brisk 
conflict  compelled  them  to  surrender.  About  one 
thousand  of  them  were  made  prisoners,  fifty  were 
killed  and  wounded.  Among  the  number  of  the  slain 
was  Colonel  Rawle,  their  commander.  So  intense 
was  the  cold  that  two  American  soldiers  were  frozen 
to  death.  Five  hundred  British  escaped  from  the 
lower  end  of  Trenton,  in  consequence  of  the  failure 
of  that  portion  of  the  plan  intrusted  to  General 
Irvine.  The  condition  of  the  river  also  rendered  it 
impossible  for  General  Cadwallader  to  transport 
his  artillery  over  it,  and  accordingly  he  was  com- 
pelled to  relinquish  his  design  on  Mount  Holly. 

The  victory  of  Washington  at  Trenton  was  com- 
plete. He  had  accomplished,  in  the  dead  of  winter, 
one  of  the  most  daring  and  successful  feats  recorded 
in  military  annals.  '  He  had  even  surprised  the  vi- 
gilant and  able  commanders  who  led  the  British 
veterans,  and  had  taken  captive  a  large  and  im- 
portant portion  of  their  army.  But  his  career  of 
success  did-not  terminate  here.  One  of  the  strong- 
est positions  of  the  foe  was  at  Princeton.  "Wash- 
ington pressed  forward  to  attack  them.  The  battle 
of  Princeton  ensued,  in  which  the  British  were 
totally  defeated — one  hundred  were  killed,  and  three 
hundred  taken  prisoners.  The  chief  loss  of  the 
Americans  was  in  the  death  of  General  Mercer. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  51 

Lord  Corn  wall  is,  the  British  commander,  endea- 
vored immediately  after  this  success,  to  assail  and 
crush  the  patriot  army  before  they  could  reach 
Brunswick,  which  was  their  next  object  of  attack. 
Under  these  circumstances,  Washington  deemed  it 
prudent  to  abandon  this  portion  of  his  bold  design. 
His  exhausted  troops  were  without  blankets,  with- 
out provisions,  arid  many  of  them  were  barefooted, 
and  marked  their  painful  progress  over  the  frozen 
earth,  with  the  traces  of  their  blood.  He  therefore 
retired  into  shelter  at  Morristown  for  the  rest  of 
the  winter. 

These  heroic  and  triumphant  operations  of  Wash- 
ington and  his  co-patriots,  revived  at  once  the 
drooping  spirits  of  the  colonies.  Joy  and  hope 
illumed  that  gloomy  horizon  which  had  settled 
down  so  sadly  over  the  whole  nation.  The  British 
officers  and  men  were  astonished  at  these  displays 
of  unexpected  vigor  and  bravery ;  and  their  com- 
mander began  seriously  to  reflect  upon  the  difficulty 
of  subjugating  a  people,  whose  army — few,  ragged, 
naked,  without  ammunition  and  without  provisions, 
could  rise  in  the  midst  of  winter,  invested  with  such 
desperate  and  resistless  power,  and  strike  so  fatal 
a  blow  upon  their  confident  and  well-appointed  foes. 
The  patriots  were  filled  with  encouragement  and 
hope  ;  while  the  covert  and  yet  undeclared  traitors 


52  THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

in  their  camp,  thought  it  advisable  still  to  dissem- 
ble for  a  time  their  infamous  purposes,  and  post- 
pone the  consummation  of  their  perfidy  until  a 
more  propitious  hour. 

It  was  in  June,  1775,  that  Hamilton  published 
his  pamphlet,  entitled  "Remarks  on  the  Quebec 
Bill,"  the  object  of  which  production  was  to  show 
that  the  British  ministry  had  abandoned  all  regard 
to  the  principles  of  the  English  constitution,  and 
were  prepared  to  commit  the  greatest  outrages  on 
the  liberties  of  the  colonies  ;  and  he  illustrated  his 
subject  by  an  allusion  to  some  of  the  measures 
adopted  in  reference  to  the  government  of  the  Bri- 
tish province  of  Canada.  This  essay  displayed  the 
same  superior  traits  of  mind  which  had  marked  its 
predecessors,  and  still  added  to  his  fame. 

Hamilton,  at  this  stirring  period,  took  part  also 
in  the  public  deliberative  assemblies  of  the  people 
in  New  York.  Congress  having  declared  their  de- 
termination to  resist  British  tyranny  by  force  of 
arms,  and  having  appealed  to  the  colonies  for  their 
support,  Hamilton  immediately  commenced  the 
study  of  military  tactics,  and  joined  a  volunteer 
corps  commanded  by  Major  Fleming,  who  had  for- 
merly been  in  the  British  service.  This  company 
having  been  commanded  by  the  people  to  remove 
the  cannon  from  the  Battery,  Hamilton  aided  in 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  53 

the  work ;  and  while  so  doing  a  companion  was 
shot  down  by  his  side,  from  the  British  vessel  in 
the  harbor,  which  endeavored  to  prevent  the  exe- 
cution of  their  purpose.  Meanwhile  he  continued 
his  studies  in  the  military  art,  aided  by  a,  British 
bombardier,  who  instructed  him  in  pyrotechnics 
and  gunnery. 

In  January,  1776,  he  joined  an  artillery  company 
which  had  been  raised  in  New  York,  and  in  a  few 
weeks  he  received  the  rank  of  "  Captain  of  the 
Provincial  Company  of  Artillery."  A  portion  of 
the  last  remittance  which  he  received  from  his 
generous  friends  in  Yera  Cruz,  he  appropriated  to 
the  recruiting  of  this  company.  In  September, 
1776,  he  entered  active  service  at  the  battle  on 
Brooklyn  Heights;  and  in  the  retreat  of  the  Ame- 
rican lines  on  that  disastrous  day,  as  already  narrated, 
he  performed  the  difficult  service  of  bringing  up  the 
rear,  having  lost  his  baggage  and  a  field-piece. 

From  Brooklyn  the  broken  army  of  the  Ameri- 
cans retired  to  Harlem,  near  New  York.  It  having 
been  determined  that  a  stand  should  here  be  made, 
Hamilton  commenced  instantly  to  fortify  his  por- 
tion of  the  line.  While  actively  superintending 
and  assisting  in  this  work,  he  was  thrown  for  the 
first  time  in  contact  with  the  commander-in-chief. 
Entering  into  conversation  with  the  young  engineer, 
5* 


54  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

while  thus  engaged,  the  penetrating  eye  of  Washing- 
ton BOOH  detected  his  superior  abilities  and  energy; 
and  he  invited  Hamilton  to  visit  him  in  his  mar- 
que*e.  This  was  the  commencement  of  that  faithful 
friendship  which  afterward  continued  unabated  be- 
tween these  remarkable  men,  during  so  many  dark 
years  of  uncertainty  and  vicissitude,  and  during 
those  brighter  ones  of  triumph  and  splendor  which 
happily  succeeded. 

In  the  important  events  wrhich  ensued,  Hamil- 
ton took  a  prominent  and  honorable  share.  At 
the  battle  of  White  Plains  his  gallantry  again  at- 
tracted the  attention  of  the  commander-m-ehief. 
When  the  harassed  and  broken  army  of  the  patriots 
retreated  to  JSTorth  Castle,  Hamilton  was  placed  in 
command  of  an  important  post  near  Fort  Washing- 
ton, and  did  something  to  stem  the  tide  of  the  con- 
querors. When  Fort  Washington  fell,  Hamilton 
proposed  to  Washington  to  attempt  its  recapture 
with  a  small  body  of  troops ;  but  the  desperate 
though  patriotic  rashness  of  his  plans  induced  the 
prudent  chief  to  decline  it.  In  this  gloomy  hour  of 
American  history,  when  triumph  ai'ter  triumph  had 
infused  an  arrogant  hope  into  the  British  officers 
and  soldiers,  and  their  opponents  were  almost  driven 
to  despair,  Washington  conceived  and  executed  the 
brilliant  enterprises  of  Trenton  and  Princeton.  In 


OF   ALEXANDEll    HAMILTON.  55 

these  important  actions,  and  especially  in  that  of 
Princeton,  Hamilton's  services  were  of  great  value. 
As  the  American  troops  were  retiring  toward  New 
Brunswick,  they  were  pursued  by  the  British  under 
Lord  Cornwallis.  The  Americans  were  but  three 
thousand  in  number ;  they  had  exhausted  their  am- 
munition ;  many  were  but  half  clothed ;  and  many 
even  were  unarmed .  The  British  host  n umbered  eight 
thousand  men,  well-fed,  well-accoutred,  and  inflated 
with  arrogant  assurances  of  victory.  As  the  rear  of 
the  ragged  Americans  was  crossing  the  Raritan,  the 
British  van  appeared  in  sight.  At  this  crisis  Hamil- 
ton effected  a  diversion  in  favor  of  the  patriot  army 
by  planting  his  artillery  on  a  high  ground  which 
commanded  the  ford  of  the  river,  and  playing  so 
effectively  on  the  British  lines  as  to  delay  their  pro- 
gress, and  enable  "Washington  to  make  good  his  re- 
treat. When  the  American  army  went  into  winter 
quarters  at  Morristown,  on  March  1st,  1777, 
Hamilton  was  justly  rewarded  for  his  services  by 
the  appointment  of  aid-de-camp  and  private  secre- 
tary to  Washington,  with  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
colonel. 

The  duties  which  devolved  upon  Hamilton  in  this 
new  sphere,  were  onerous  and  important.  The 
high  estimate  of  his  abilities  already  formed  by 
Washington  induced  him  to  intrust  to  Hamilton 


56  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

not  merely  the  subordinate  functions  usually  devolv- 
ing upon  his  aids,  but  those  of  a  higher  and  more 
difficult  character.  He  was  invited  to  assist  in  ar- 
ranging the  plaus  of  the  campaigns;  in  devising 
means  for  the  concentration,  increase  and  support  of 
,  the  army ;  and  in  confirming  the  resolution  and 
unity  of  the  various  portions  of  the  confederacy. 
The  intelligence,  sagacity  and  integrity  of  Hamilton, 
had  already  won  the  full  confidence  of  Washington — 
of  a  man  remarkable  for  his  reserve  and  prudence ; 
a  man  of  ,whom  it  has  been  said,  that  no  one  could 
ever  boast  of  having  been  on  familiar  terms  with 
him  ;  a  man  whose  prevailing  sobriety  and  caution 
were  so  great,  that  he  was  rarely  or  never  known  to 
laugh.  To  Hamilton  alone  Washington  confided 
the  most  difficult  and  elaborate  communications 
which  emanated  from  head-quarters,  both  to  Con- 
gress and  to  private  citizens,  which  he  did  not  him- 
self compose.  "The  pen  of  our  army,"  says  Troup, 
"  was  held  by  Hamilton  ;  and  for  dignity  of  manner, 
pith  of  matter,  and  elegance  of  style,  General  Wash- 
ington's letters  are  unrivaled  in  military  annals." 

Hamilton  also  corresponded  largely  with  patriots 
in  the  State  of  New  York,  who,  knowing  his  in- 
fluence with  the  commander-in-chief,  and  his  own 
superior  sagacity,  conferred  with  him,  at  the  instance 
of  the  Convention,  in  reference  to  their  prospects  and 


OF    ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  67 

condition.  From  the  camp  at  Morristown  Hamil- 
ton wrote  letters  full  of  prudent  advice  and  counsel 
to  Kobert  E.  Livingston,  who  had  been  appointed 
by  the  Convention  to  correspond  with  him.  This 
incident  furnishes  a  convincing  proof  of  the  very 
high  position  which  had  already  been  attained  by 
this  youthful  exile  of  the  age  of  twenty-one. 

Nor  amid  these  stirring  scenes  did  Hamilton  for- 
get his  kind  friends  in  the  land  of  his  birth.  They 
viewed  his  advancement  in  life  with  constant  watch- 
fulness and  interest,  notwithstanding  the  remoteness 
of  their  position.  To  the  Reverend  Mr.  Knox  he 
wrote  in  July,  1777,  describing  the  state  of  the  con- 
test, the  plans  and  purposes  of  each  of  the  combat- 
ants, and  dwelling  upon  the  probable  aid  of  France, 
and  the  final  issue  of  the  struggle.  These  letters 
are  evidences  of  the  fact  that,  though  he  loved  his 
adopted  country  well,  he  had  not  forgotten  those 
who,  in  the  hour  of  his  need,  had  so  kindly  be- 
friended him. 

In  August,  1777,  Hamilton  was  sent  to  Congress 
to  confer,  on  behalf  of  Washington,  with  that  body 
upon  the  propriety  of  either  an  attack  upon  New 
York,  then  held  by  the  British,  or  a  decisive  move- 
ment on  the  Hudson  to  oppose  the  advance  of  Bur- 
goyne.  While  this  deliberation  was  pending,  a 
British  fleet  appeared  off  the  Capes  of  Virginia. 
This  fact  proved  that  au  attack  on  Philadelphia  was 


58  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

contemplated  by  the  enemy.  To  protect  that  im- 
portant city  Washington  took  post  at  the  Forks  of 
the  Brandywine;  and  the  battle  of  that  name  en- 
sued between  him  and  General  Howe.  In  the  retreat 
which  followed  this  defeat,  Hamilton,  in  the  heroic 
performance  of  his  duty,  was  placed  in  a  position  of 
imminent  peril,  and  his  escape  from  death  was  deemed 
almost  miraculous.  He  attempted  to  destroy  a 
small  store  of  provisions  which  lay  on  the  Schuyl- 
kill,  in  the  route  of  the  victorious  British.  While 
thus  engaged,  the  enemy  suddenly  came  upon  him. 
Hamilton  and  four  of  his  men  retreated  to  a  boat 
on  the  river,  entered  it,  and  commenced  to  row  for 
their  lives.  While  thus  employed  volley  after  volley 
were  discharged  into  the  boat,  and  three  out  of  the 
five  who  occupied  it  were  wounded,  before  they 
escaped  beyond  the  reach  of  the  enemy's  fire.  After 
this  adventure,  Hamilton  was  dispatched  by  Wash- 
ington to  Philadelphia,  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
contributions  to  the  future  support  of  the  army  from 
the  ladies  ol"  that  city.  He  addressed  them  a  letter, 
which  has  always  been  much  admired  for  the  supe- 
riority and  brilliancy  of  its  style.  Its  success  was  in 
the  highest  degree  encouraging.  Hamilton  spent  the 
winter  of  1777  with  Washington  in  his  quarters  on 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Sclmylkill  above  Philadel- 
phia; and  was  present  in  the  indecisive  engagement 
at  Germ&ntown. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  59 


CHAPTER    III. 

BVENTS  OF  1777 — CONSPIRACY  AGAINST  WASHINGTON  IN  THE  ARMY  AND 
IN  CONGRESS — HAMILTON'S  MISSION  TO  GATES — HIS  SUCCESS — EVENTS 
OP  1778 — HAMILTON'S  CONDUCT  AT  MONMOUTH — LEE'S  RETREAT — LEE'S 
SUBSEQUENT  COURT-MARTIAL — HAMILTON'S  GROWING  FAME — HIS  POPU- 
LARITY WITH  THE  ARMY — LAFAYETTE. 

THE  year  1777  is  remarkable  in  the  history  of  the 
American  Revolution,  as  the  one  in  which  con- 
spiracy was  formed  and  carried  to  a  considerable 
length  against  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  conti- 
nental armies. 

The  origin  of  this  base  cabal  is  to  he  found  in  the  un- 
just dissatisfaction  of  the  community  at  the  repeated 
defeats  which  the  army  under  "Washington  had  suf- 
fered, and  in  the  unprincipled  ambition  of  General 
Gates,  the  fortunate  conqueror  of  General  Burgoyne. 
The  American  people  in  this  instance  forgot,  to 
some  extent,  their  usual  sense  of  justice  and  reason ; 
for  they  blamed  Washington  because  Philadelphia 
and  New  York  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy,  and  because  the  latter  had  been  victorious 
in  a  series  of  hard  fought  conflicts ;  although  they 
knew  that  the  continental  army  was  small  in  num- 
ber,  composed  in  a  great  measure  of  raw  recruits, 


60  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

half  naked,  without  arms,  without  ammunition, 
without  every  thing  which  gives  efficiency  and  con- 
fidence to  a  martial  host ;  while,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  also  knew  that  the  British  forces  were  uni- 
formly vastly  superior  in  numbers,  superior  in  disci- 
pline, abundantly  supplied  with  arms,  ammunition, 
and  stores,  and  encouraged  by  a  large  and  considera- 
ble portion  of  disaffected  people. 

When  "Washington  went  into  winter  quarters, 
after  the  occupation  of  Philadelphia  by  the  British, 
the  Legislature  of  Pennsylvania  addressed  a  remon- 
strance to  Congress  on  the  subject,  in  which  they 
gave  utterance  to  sentiments  of  dissatisfaction  with 
the  commander-in-chief.  Congress  then  appointed 
a  new  board  of  war,  of  which  General  Gates,  whom 
many  wished  to  make  the  rival  of  Washington,  was 
made  president,  and  Generals  Mifflin  and  Conway; 
bitter  enemies  of  Washington,  were  appointed  m  em- 
bers. General  Gates,  elated  by  his  success  in  the 
capture  of  Burgoyne,  was  not  unwilling  to  lend 
himself  to  the  base  uses  of  this  faction.  General 
Con  way,  whom  Washington  justly  stigmatizes  in 
one  of  his  letters,  as  "  a  dangerous  incendiary,  in 
which  character  the  country  will  sooner  or  later 
know  him,"  was  particularly  active  in  his  secret  and 
public  hostility  to  Washington.  All  the  disasters 
and  defeats  of  the  war  were  ascribed  to  the  incom- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  61 

petency  of  that  general.  The  exploit  of  Gates  was 
triumphantly  pointed  at  as  an  evidence  of  what  a 
commander  of  real  ability  and  energy  could  effect. 
Oonway  asserted  that  "  Heaven  has  been  determined 
to  save  the  country,  or  a  weak  general  and  bad 
counselors  would  have  ruined  it."  To  Gates  an 
independent  command  was  given  by  the  Board  of 
"War,  in  the  north,  which  interfered  with  the  free- 
dom and  efficiency  of  Washington's  movements. 
Calumnies,  both  secret  and  public,  were  widely  dif- 
fused against  him,  in  every  possible  way,  by  the 
disaffected.  Mr.  Laurens,  the  President  of  Congress, 
received  anonymous  letters  full  of  the  basest  and 
vilest  charges  against  him.  These  letters  Mr.  Lau- 
rens sent  to  "Washington  to  apprize  him  of  what  was 
going  on.  In  answer  to  the  communication  of  that 
patriot  which  accompanied  the  infamous  missives, 
Washington,  whose  great  and  serene  soul  remained 
undisturbed  amid  the  dangers,  difficulties,  and  mise- 
ries of  his  position,  answered  as  follows: 

"  I  was  not  unapprized  that  a  malignant  faction 
had  been  for  some  time  forming  to  my  prejudice, 
which,  conscious  as  I  am  of  having  done  all  in  my 
power  to  answer  the  important  purposes  of  the  trusts 
reposed  in  me,  could  not  but  give  me  some  pain  on 
a  personal  account;  but  my  chief  concern  arises 
from  an  apprehension  of  the  dangerous  consequences 
6 


62  THE, LIFE   AND   TIMES 

which   intestine   dissensions    may  produce    to   the 
common  cause. 

''The  anonymous  paper  handed  you  exhibits  many 
serious  charges,  and  it  is  my  wish  that  it  may  be  sub 
mitted  to  Congress. 

"  My  enemies  take  an  ungenerous  advantage  of 
me.  They  know  the  delicacy  of  my  situation,  and 
that  motives  of  policy  deprive  me  of  the  defense  I 
might  otherwise  make  against  their  insidious  attacks. 
They  know  I  cannot  combat  their  insinuations,  how- 
ever injurious,  without  disclosing  secrets  it  is  of  the 
utmost  moment  to  conceal." 

General  Mifflin,  the  quarter-master  general  of  the 
army,  was  another  of  the  chief  causes  of  the  difficul- 
ties which  existed.  After  this  cabal  had  carried  on 
their  schemes  for  some  time,  public  sentiment  crushed 
their  influence  so  completely  that  their  malignant 
efforts  produced  no  results.  General  Mifflin  at  last 
felt  constrained  by  the  force  of  public  opinion  to  re- 
sign his  post. 

How  Washington  felt  and  acted  under  the  opera- 
tion of  these  machinations,  we  feel  naturally  curious 
to  inquire  ;  and  his  conduct  and  temper  on  this  oc- 
casion must  go  far  in  deciding  our  estimate  of  his 
extraordinary  character.  Endowed  with  a  mind  not 
only  of  colossal  strength,  but  of  singular  firmness, 
these  aspersions  caused  neither  agitation  nor  excite- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  63 

ment;  though  not  to  feel  in  some  degree  indignant, 
would  have  been  to  possess  attributes  superior  to 
those  of  humanity.  In  his  answer  to  General  Gates, 
calling  for  the  name  of  the  informer,  there  is  but 
one  expression  which  implied  any  degree  of  undue 
excitement,  where  he  says:  "Pardon  me  then,  for 
adding,  that,  so  far  from  conceiving  the  safety  of  the 
States  can  be  affected,  or  in  the  smallest  degree  in- 
jured, by  a  discovery  of  this  kind,  or  that  I  should 
be  called  upon  in  such  solemn  terms  to  point  out 
the  author,  that  I  considered  the  information  as 
coming  from  yourself,  and  given  with  a  friendly 
view  to  forewarn,  and  consequently  forearm  me 
against  a  secret  enemy,  or  in  other  words,  a  danger- 
ous incendiary,  in  which  character,  sooner  or  later, 
this  country  will  know  General  Conway." 

At  this  time  the  army  was  barefooted,  naked,  and 
without  provisions,  the  fault  of  which  was  exclu- 
sively in  Congress  and  in  the  depreciated  currency  of 
the  country;  and  imagination,  in  its  wildest  crea- 
tions, cannot  conceive  sufferings  more  intense  than 
were  this  winter  endured  by  the  American  army. 

How  acutely  "Washington  felt,  and  sympathized 
with  these  sufferings,  might  be  shown  by  multiplied 
evidences  of  his  humane  feelings;  but  we  shall  con- 
fine ourselves  to  part  of  one  of  his  letters  to  Governor 
Livingston :  "  I  sincerely  feel  for  the  unhappy  con- 


64  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

dition  of  our  poor  fellows  in  the  hospitals,  and  wish 
my  powers  to  relieve  them  were  equal  to  my  incli- 
nation. It  is  but  too  melancholy  a  truth,  that  our 
hospital  stores  of  every  kind  are  lamentably  scanty 
and  deficient.  I  fear  there  is  no  prospect  of  their 
being  soon  in  a  better  condition.  Our  difficulties 
and  distresses  are  certainly  great,  and  such  as  wound 
the  feelings  of  humanity : — our  sick,  naked  ! — our 
well,  naked ! — our  unfortunate  men  in  captivity, 
naked !" 

The  army  was  now  melting  away,  owing  to  the 
depreciation  of  continental  money,  which  reduced 
the  officers  to  beggary,  and  the  soldiers  to  naked- 
ness. "Washington  recommended  increased  pay, 
half  pay,  and  a  pension  system,  and  submitted  to 
Congress  an  elaborate,  able,  and  comprehensive  sys- 
tem for  the  organization  of  the  army,  as  well  as  for 
the  commissary  department  in  particular ;  to  which 
Congress  conformed  in  their  new  regulations. 

Still  the  famine  in  the  army  prevailed,  and  every 
hour  threatened  to  dissolve  it  notwithstanding  the 
herculean  labors  of  Washington  to  exhort  the 
States  to  action,  and  to  stimulate  the  Congress  to 
energy.  Mutiny  was  often  manifested  by  the  starv- 
ing troops,  and  as  often  suppressed ;  but  nothing 
could  have  crushed  it  but  the  deep  affection  which 
most  of  the  men  cherished  for  their  great  com- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  C5 

mander,  who  possessed  that  indescribable  quality 
which  attached  both  officers  and  soldiers  to  his 
person,  and  inspired  them  all  with  veneration  and 
respect.  To  this  quality  alone  in  the  general,  is  to 
be  ascribed  the  preservation  of  the  army  at  this 
perilous  crisis. 

Perhaps  no  man  ever  received  so  signal  and  com- 
plete atonement  from  the  party  guilty  of  an  injury, 
as  did  General  Washington,  when  the  following  let- 
ter from  General  Conway,  who  had  been  seriously 
wounded  in  a  duel,  was  addressed  to  him: 

"  Philadelphia,  July  23,  1778. 

"Sm, — I  find  myself  just  able  to  hold  the  pen 
during  a  few  minutes,  and  take  this  opportunity  of 
expressing  my  sincere  grief  for  having  done,  writ- 
ten, or  said  any  thing  disagreeable  to  your  excel- 
lency. My  career  will  soon  be  over;  therefore 
justice  and  truth  prompt  me  to  declare  my  last  sen- 
timents. You  are,  in  my  eyes,  the  great  and  good 
man.  May  you  long  enjoy  the  love,  veneration  and 
esteem  of  these  States,  whose  liberties  you  have 
asserted  by  your  virtues. 

"  I  am,  with  the  greatest  respect,  Sir,  &c." 

During  this  trying  season,  the  darkest  in  the  per- 
sonal history  of  Washington,  Hamilton   remained 
his  faithful  friend,  and  one  of  his  most  trusted  con- 
6* 


6G  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

fidants.  He  boldly  defended  his  conduct  from  every 
charge.  He  was  chosen  by  "Washington  to  visit 
General  Gates  in  his  camp  at  Albany,  in  order  to 
induce  him  to  detach  a  considerable  portion  of  his 
army,  and  send  it  to  the  assistance  of  the  main  force 
encamped  near  Philadelphia.  On  his  arrival  in  Al- 
bany Hamilton  had  an  interview  with  General  Gates 
in  reference  to  the  object  of  his  mission.  After  some 
deliberation  he  assented;  and  eventually  resolved  to 
send  the  weakest  of  the  three  brigades  under  hia 
command,  which  did  not  muster  more  than  six  hun- 
dred men  fit  for  duty.  As  soon  as  Hamilton  ascer- 
tained this  fact,  he  strongly  represented  to  General 
Gates  the  impropriety  of  this  selection ;  and  urged 
that  one  of  the  other  brigades,  commanded  by  Gene- 
rals Nixon  or  Glover,  should  be  dispatched  for 
that  service.  The  energetic  remonstrance  of  Hamil- 
ton accomplished  his  purpose ;  and  General  Glover's 
brigade  was  ordered  to  join  the  main  army  near 
Philadelphia. 

So  efficient  were  the  services  rendered  by  Hamil- 
ton at  this  period,  that  they  elicited  from  the  com- 
mander-in-chief  the  following  letter,  dated  amid  the 
gloomy  and  wintry  scenes  of  Valley  Forge,  Novem- 
ber 15th,  1777.  "I  have  duly  received  your  several 
favors  from  the  time  you  left  me,  to  that  of  the  12th 
instant.  I  approve  entirely  of  all  the  steps  you  have 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  67 

taken,  and  have  only  to  wish  that  the  exertions  of 
those  you  have  had  to  deal  with  had  kept  pace  with 
your  zeal  and  good  intentions.  I  hope  your  health 
will,  before  this,  have  permitted  you  to  push  on  the 
rear  of  the  whole  reinforcement  beyond  !N"ew  Wind- 
sor. Some  of  the  enemy's  ships  have  arrived  in  the 
Delaware,  but  how  many  have  troops  on  board  I 
cannot  exactly  ascertain.  The  enemy  has  lately 
damaged  Fort  Mifflin  considerably,  but  our  people 
keep  possession,  and  seem  determined  to  do  so  to  the 
last  extremity.  Our  loss  in  men  has  been  but  small 
— Captain  Treat  is  unfortunately  among  the  killed. 
I  wish  you  a  safe  return."  Such  were  the  terms  of 
familiar  confidence  which  the  most  reserved  and  dis 
tant  of  men  employed  in  his  private  correspondence 
with  a  youth  of  twenty-one,  who  had  been  selected 
among  many  brave  and  older  men  to  perform  a  ser- 
vice of  great  difficulty,  importance,  and  danger. 

During  the  campaign  of  1778  Hamilton  continued 
in  the  suite  of  "Washington,  and  actually  was  engaged 
in  the  service.  His  conduct  at  the  battle  of  Mon- 
mouth  was  brilliant  in  the  extreme,  and  was  of  signal 
benefit  in  counteracting  the  singular  proceedings 
of  General  Lee. 

On  the  18th  of  June,  the  British  army  marched  to 
Haddonfield,  Is"ew  Jersey.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with 
the  force  under  his  command,  approached  Amboy 


68  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

by  way  of  Monmouth.  "Washington  summoned  a 
council  of  war  to  decide  whether  an  attack  on  Clinton 
would  then  be  desirable.  The  council  advised  that,  no 
attack  should  be  ventured.  General  Washington  was 
strongly  convinced  of  the  propriety  of  an  opposite 
course.  In  this  judgment  General  Greene  and  Col. 
Hamilton,  at  that  time  the  two  officers  who  pos- 
sessed the  largest  share  of  the  confidence  of  their 
commander,  agreed  with  him  that  the  opportunity 
was  favorable  to  attack  the  retreating  foe.  "Wash- 
ington gave  orders  for  the  pursuit.  On  the  28th  of 
June  the  American  army  came  up  to  the  British, 
whom  they  found  intrenched  on  the  heights  of 
Monmouth.  General  Lee,  at  break  of  day,  was  or- 
dered to  commence  the  attack.  Washington  was 
coming  up  with  the  main  army.  At  the  suggestion 
of  Hamilton,  General  Greene  was  ordered  to  file  off 
with  the  right  wing,  to  protect  the  right  of  the  army. 
"Wayne  was  ordered  by  Lee  to  leave  his  own  de- 
tachment and  take  the  command  of  the  front.  The 
former  immediately  sent  word  back  to  General  Lee, 
that  the  enemy  were  retreating  in  great  disorder, 
and  urged  him  to  push  forward  the  rest  of  his  troops 
in  pursuit.  The  foremost  regiment  of  the  Ameri- 
cans, commanded  by  Col.  Butler,  were  then  attacked 
by  a  body  of  British  horse,  but  were  so  gallantly 
received  that  they  were  broken,  thrown  into  coufu- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  69 

si  on  and  routed.  Wayne  Btill  pressed  on  to  the 
charge  with  his  characteristic  heroism.  The  enemy, 
overborne  by  his  impetuosity,  were  in  full  retreat, 
when  the  order  came  forward  from  General  Lee  to 
retrext.  Hamilton  was  the  first  to  rejoin  Washing- 
ton, and  to  inform  him  of  this  singular  and  disas- 
trous movement.  Washington's  outbursts  of  passion 
were  very  few;  but  when  they  did  come,  they  were 
terrific.  That  which  occurred  on  this  occasion 
seemed  to  have  exceeded  in  fury  all  others  of  which 
history  makes  mention ;  and  the  cause  of  his  irritation 
appears  to  have  justified  its  intensity.  As  soon  as  he 
was  informed  of  the  retreat  of  the  advanced  corps, 
he  gave  vent  to  his  indignation,  jumped  from  his 
horse,  pushed  forward  toward  the  fugitives,  and  ral- 
lied them.  Meanwhile  he  advanced  to  the  spot 
where  General  Lee  stood,  and  addressed  him  in 
words  of  just  indignation,  which  their  author  and 
the  occasion  have  rendered  memorable.  He  then 
ordered  Wayne  to  renew  the  combat,  and  a  cannon- 
ade to  be  opened  upon  the  enemy.  He  directed 
Colonels  Ramsey  and  Stewart  to  reform  the  division 
under  General  Lee,  and  press  on  to  the  charge. 

The  retreat  ordered  by  Lee  had  inspirited  the 
British,  who  had  halted  to  resume  the  conflict. 
They  advanced  on  the  artillery  which  had  been 
posted  on  the  right.  Hamilton  formed  Varnurn's 


70  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

brigade  and  charged  the  enemy  at  their  head.  In 
tliis  gallant  service  his  horse  was  shot  under  him. 
The  engagement  on  the  right  was  sharp,  and  Gene- 
ral Greene  commanded  there  with  signal  ability. 
"Washington  followed  up  the  attack  on  the  centre, 
and  the  artillery  placed  there,  under  General  Knox, 
did  great  execution  upon  the  enemy's  front.  The  battle 
was  still  undecided  when  night  fell;  but  the  British 
took  advantage  of  the  darkness,  retreated,  and  em- 
barked at  Sandy  Hook.  The  Americans  remained 
masters  of  the  battle  field,  and  encamped  that  night 
upon  the  ensanguined  plain. 

The  services  of  Hamilton  on  this  occasion  were 
highly  appreciated  by  Washington.  He  inserted  a 
high  eulogium  upon  him,  in  his  dispatch  to  Con- 
gress, which  at  Hamilton's  own  request  was  after- 
ward expunged.  A  cotemporary  writer  speaking 
of  Hamilton  at  Mon mouth,  says:  "I  am  happy 
to  have  it  in  my  power  to  mention  the  merit  of 
Col.  Hamilton.  He  was  incessant  in  his  endeavors 
during  the  day  in  reconnoitering  the  enemy,  in  ral- 
lying, and  in  charging ;  but  whether  he  or  Col. 
Laurens  deserves  most  of  our  commendation  is 
somewhat  doubtful.  Both  had  their  horses  shot 
under  them,  and  both  exhibited  singular  proofs  of 
bravery." 

The  court-martial  which  afterward  examined  the 


OF   ALEXANDER*  HAMILTON.  71 

conduct  of  General  Lee,  found  him  "  guilty  of  dis- 
obedience of  orders  in  not  attacking  the  enemy,  or 
misbehavior,  by  making  an  unnecessary  and  dis- 
orderly retreat,  and  of  disrespect  to  the  commander- 
in-chief."  He  was  suspended  from  his  command 
for  twelve  months,  and  afterward,  on  January  10th, 
1780,  was  entirely  dismissed  from  the  service.  About 
this  period,  Hamilton  again  distinguished  himself 
in  a  literary  way,  by  the  publication  of  some  letters 
exposing  the  malfeasance  of  a  member  of  Congress 
in  speculating  in  flour,  by  which  the  difficulties  and 
privations  of  the  army  were  much  augmented. 
These  letters  were  signed  "  Publius," — a  name  which 
he  afterward  immortalized  in  the  Federalist.  Mr. 
Troup  very  truly  asserts  that  the  style  and  vigor 
of  these  letters  more  nearly  resembled  those  of 
Junius  than  any  other  production  in  the  lan- 
guage. 

The  abilities  and  services  of  Hamilton  had  by  this 
time,  in  spite  of  his  youth,  rendered  him  one  of  the 
most  distinguished  persons  in  the  army.  Nor  did 
his  great  fame  surround  and  afflict  him  with  the 
jealousy  of  his  associates.  He  was  then  as  popular 
as  he  was  eminent.  This  unusual  circumstance 
arose  from,  the  superior  affability  and  generosity  of 
his  temper.  He  was  a  great  favorite  with  the 
soldiers.  He  was  also  very  popular  with  the  of- 


72  THE  LIFE'  AND  TIMES 

ficers,  and  especially  with  the  large  number  of 
foreign  officers  who  were  in  the  service,  in  conse- 
quence of  his  familiarity  with  the  French  language 
which  they  spoke.  He  numbered  among  his  inti- 
mate friends  Baron  Steuben,  Lafayette,  Fleury, 
La  Luzerne,  and  Du  Portail.  And  above  all,  he 
enjoyed  the  full  confidence  of  that  great  man,  who 
was  slow  to  confide,  and  slower  still  to  love;  but 
who  already  cherished  this  favorite  youth  with  an 
affection  as  rare  as  it  was  honorable. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  73 


CHAPTER    IV. 

EVENTS  OP  1780 — FINANCIAL  DIFFICULTIES  OF  THE  COLONIES — HAMIL- 
TON'S FINANCIAL  SCHEMES — ROBF.RT  MORRIS — BANK  OF  UNITED  STATES 
PROPOSED — HAMILTON'S  LETTER  TO  ROBERT  MORRIS — FRENCH  AID  SENT 
TO  THE  COLONIES — CAUSES  OF  THE  FRIENDLY  INTERPOSITION  0» 
FRANCE — TREASON  OF  ARNOLD — HAMILTON'S  PROJECTS  FOR  THE  NA- 
TIONAL PROSPERITY — HIS  LETTER  TO  JAMES  DUANE — HAMILTON  AP- 
POINTED MINISTER  TO  FRANCE — HE  DECLINES. 

THE  revolutionary  struggle  continued :  but  by  the 
year  1780  the  conflict  had  resolved  itself  chiefly 
into  a  rivalry  in  financial  ability  and  resource  be- 
tween the  mother  country  and  the  colonies.  It  then 
seemed  that  whichever  party  could  continue  the  war 
the  longest,  possessed  the  best  guarantees  of  perma- 
nent and  final  success. 

Under  such  circumstances  the  active  and  patriotic 
mind  of  Hamilton  soon  reverted  to  the  elaboration' 
of  such  financial  schemes,  as  he  supposed  would  re- 
lieve the  distress  of  the  country,  and  furnish  new 
munitions  of  war  to  the  patriots.  He  addressed  a 
letter  to  Robert  Morris,  a  distinguished  member  of 
Congress  from  Pennsylvania,  disclosing  a  plan  for 
increasing  the  pecuniary  resources  of  the  colonies. 
The  letter  was  anonymous ;  and  the  writer  assigned 
7 


74  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

as  a  reason  why  he  chose  that  method  of  communi- 
cation rather  than  through  the  public  press,  that  the 
discussion  of  the  subject  involved  allusions  to  the 
weakness  and  poverty  of  the  country,  the  exposure 
of  which  would  be  exceedingly  prejudicial  to  the 
cause  of  liberty.  The  writer  then  proceeds  to  dis- 
cuss the  plan  proposed,  the  nature  of  the  existing 
currency,  the  amount  of  taxes,  of  domestic  and  fo- 
reign trade,  of  the  depreciation  of  the  currency,  and  of 
its  consequence,  a  want  of  confidence  in  the  com- 
munity. He  states  that  the  expedient  of  a  foreign 
loan  was  a  good  one;  but  that  this  was  liable  to 
great  objections,  and  that  he  had  another  remedy  to 
propose  which  was  still  more  efficient,  and  free  from 
all  objection.  This  plan  was  the  establishment  of 
an  American  Bank,  to  be  chartered  by  Congress  for 
the  period  of  ten  years,  and  to  be  termed  the  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  The  basis  of  this  institution 
was  to  be  a  foreign  loan  of  two  millions  of  pounds,  to 
be  used  in  the  bank  as  a  portion  of  its  stock ;  a  sub- 
scription to  be  opened  for  stock  to  the  amount  of 
two  hundred  millions  of  dollars  more,  the  payments  to 
be  guaranteed  by  the  government  on  the  dissolution 
of  the  bank  by  ten  millions  of  specie,  or  by  a  bona 
fide  equivalent  currency.  The  bank  notes  were  to 
be  made  payable  to  the  bearer  in  three  months,  at  ten 
per  cent.  An  annual. loan  often  millions  of  pounds 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  75 

was  to  be  furnished  to  Congress  by  the  bank  at  four 
per  cent.  The  letter  contained  other  items,  more 
fully  explaining  the  ideas  of  the  writer.  He  sketched 
the  details  which  would  be  necessary  to  give  ef- 
ficiency to  the  operation  of  the  institution.  He 
proposed  the  appointment  of  a  Minister  of  Finance. 
He  suggested  that  Congress  should  establish  the 
bank,  set  it  in  operation,  and  superintend  its  pro- 
gress. He  closed  by  asserting  that  Mr.  Robert 
Morris  was  in  his  judgment  the  most  suitable  person 
in  the  nation  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  such  an 
institution. 

This  production,  when  its  authorship  became 
known,  won  for  Hamilton  the  not  undeserved  title 
of  the  "Founder  of  the  Public  Credit  of  the  United 
States."  It  exhibited  .the  superior  powers  of  his 
capacious  and  many-sided  intellect  in  a  new  depart- 
ment. Able  as  a  political  writer  on  great  national 
issues,  able  as  a  soldier,  bold,  prudent,  eloquent  as 
he  had  already  proved  himself  to  be,  in  every  posi- 
tion in  which  he  had  been  placed,  he  now  esta- 
blished a  high  reputation  as  a  financier.  His  clear 
and  sagacious  views  attracted  and  deserved  the  more 
attention,  because  at  that  time  the  science  of  finance 
was  but  little  known  in  the  colonies.  His  intellec- 
tual vigor  enabled  him  to  rise  triumphantly  above 
the  prevalent  prejudices  and  contracted  ideas  of 


76  THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 

that  day,  and  to  lay  open  to  view  new  and  unappro- 
priated fields  for  the  advancement  of  the  national 
credit  and  wealth ;  and  with  the  attainment  of  this 
result,  to  furnish  the  necessary  material  aid  to  carry 
on  the  great  struggle  for  liberty  which  then  engaged 
and  exhausted  the  nation. 

This  letter  of  Mr.  Hamilton  was  not  without  its 
results.  Shortly  after  its  receipt,  the  plan  of  a  bank 
in  Pennsylvania  was  introduced  founded  upon  pri- 
vate contribution  only,  possessing  a  capital  of  three 
hundred  thousand  pounds.  Its  purpose  was  to  fur- 
nish the  army  with  a  supply  of  provisions  and  am- 
munition. The  hint  also  given  by  Hamilton  in  this 
letter  in  reference  to  the  establishment  of  executive 
departments  in  the  Federal  government  were  so 
valuable  that  they  approved  themselves  highly  to  the 
judgment  of  Robert  Morris, — justly  termed  the  great 
financier  of  the  Revolution, — were  pressed  by  him 
upon  the  consideration  of  Congress,  and  were  finally 
adopted  by  that  body  with  little  variation  from  the 
details  suggested  by  Mr.  Hamilton. 

In  July,  1780,  an  expedition  arrived  from  France 
to  the  assistance  of  the  colonies.  This  auspicious 
event  infused  new  courage  into  the  desponding  but 
patriotic  hearts  of  thousands.  The  causes  which  led 
France  at  that  period  to  interest  herself  so  effectu- 
ally in  the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  the 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  7T 

colonies  may  be  found  in  the  remote  recesses  of 
events  which  have  generally  escaped  the  scrutiny 
of  historians.  It  was  not  because  France  could  at 
that  time  well  afford  the  proffered  assistance.  It 
•vas  not  because  Louis  XVI.  then  sat  securely  on 
his  throne,  and  feared  no  domestic  and  internal 
commotions.  It  was  not  because  the  French  mon- 
arch and  his  ministers  loved  liberty,  or  those  who 
were  its  partisans  and  representatives.  The  cause 
of  this  opportune  succor  thus  vouchsafed  by  Bour- 
bon tyrants  to  American  patriots  and  jacobins,  was 
to  be  found  in  an  old  grudge  which  France  enter- 
tained against  England,  in  consequence  of  the  in- 
terference of  the  latter  in  her  own  colonial  strifes 
and  difficulties.  Genoa  had  ceded  the  Island  of 
Corsica  to  France ;  but  the  inhabitants  were  restive 
under  the  transfer,  and  preferred  their  old  masters, 
the  Genoese.  In  1768,  a  rebellion  against  the  su- 
premacy of  France  had  broken  forth,  led  on  by 
Paoli,  a  distinguished  and  influential  citizen.  At 
this  crisis  the  British  ministry  dispatched  an  emis- 
sary to  Corsica,  to  offer  assistance  to  the  insurgents. 
That  assistance  was  accepted ;  and  many  thousand 
stand  of  arms  were  secretly  sent  from  the  Tower  of 
London  to  the  rebels.  France  discovered  this  in- 
terference, notwithstanding  the  secresy  which  was 
thrown  around  it,  and  it  was  not  forgotten.  She 
7* 


78  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

awaited  the  day  of  vengeance.  Paoli,  in  spite  of 
the  succor  which  was  sent  him,  was  defeated,  and 
compelled:  to  flee  from  Corsica  to  Leghorn,  and 
thence  to  England.*  At  length  that  -day  of 
vengeance  had  arrived;  and  a  French  armament 
was  sent  to  the  aid  of  the  rebel  colonies  in  America. 
How  singular  was  it  that  the  same  monarch  who,  in 
subsequent  years,  was  destined  to  become  the  victim 
of  the  Jacobins,  should  himself  have  aided  so  effec- 
tually the  cause  of  liberty !  And  how  remarkable 
was  it  that  Louis  XVI.,  by  thus  dispatching  assist- 
ance to  the  American  revolutionists,  and  securing 
their  eventual  triumph,  should  by  that  very  act 
have  consummated  an  event  which  became  the  most 
potent  cause  of  the  outburst  of  that  same  revolution 
which  afterward  overturned  his  own  dynasty,  which 
hurled  him  from  the  throne,  which  consigned  him 
and  his  queen  to  the  guillotine,  and  which  entailed 
innumerable  miseries  on  his  kingly  race ! 

The  first  object  proposed  by  the  combined  French 
and  American  forces  was  a  descent  on  New  York, 
to  rescue  it  from  the  grasp  of  the  British.  This 
project  was  afterward  abandoned,  and  the-  French 
fleet  proceeded  to  Newport.  A  personal  interview 
was  planned  between  the  American  commander 

•  See  the  Conference  of  Dunant  with  General  Paoli,  July  24th, 
1768,  detailed  in  Graf  ton's  Autobiography,  p.  210. 


OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  79 

and  Admiral  Kocliambeau.  This  meeting  took 
place  at  Hartford,  on  the  20th  of  September.' 
Washington  was  accompanied  on  this  occasion  by 
Lafayette,  McHenry,  and  Hamilton.  The  interview 
was  satisfactory  in  its  results.  It  enabled  the  com- 
manders of  the  respective  forces  to  arrange  their 
plans  more  definitely  for  the  future.  But  the  se- 
lection of  Hamilton  on  this  very  important  occa- 
sion, to  accompany  Washington,  is  an  incident 
which  reflects  high  honor  on  the  youthful  patriot. 

This  was  the  period  of  the  memorable  treason  of 
Arnold.  When  returning  from  Hartford,  Washing- 
ton was  first  apprized  of  the  flight  of  that  traitor 
and  the  arrest  of  Andre.  In  reference  to  the  fall 
of  the  British  officer  who  was  thus  involved  in  the 
punishment  which  Arnold  deserved,  Hamilton, 
moved  by  a  generous  sympathy  for  the  fate  of  one 
so  young,  so  chivalrous,  and  so  promising,  exerted 
his  utmost  efforts  to  discover  some  legal  and  hon- 
orable expedient  to  save  him.  When  all  proved 
unavailing,  he  felt  deeply  for  the  unfortunate  offi- 
cer, and  published  a  narrative  of  the  facts  in  the 
case,  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  Laurens,  which  reflects 
equal  credit,  both  upon  his  intellect  and  his  heart. 
It  was  a  model  of  elegance,  clearness,  simplicity 
and  force  in  the  art  of  narration. 

In   a  letter    to    Miss  Elizabeth    Schuyler,    the 


80  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

daughter  of  the  distinguished  general  of  that  name, 
Hamilton  describes  the  execution  of  Andre  with 
graphic  power ;  and  thus  speaks  of  that  melancholy 
occurrence:  "Poor  Andre  suffers  to  day;  every 
thing  that  is  amiable  in  virtue,  in  fortitude,  in  de- 
licate sentiment,  and  accomplished  manners,  pleads 
for  him ;  but  hard-hearted  policy  calls  for  a  sacri- 
fice. He  must  die.  I  send  you  jny  account  of 
Arnold's  affair,  and  to  justify  myself  to  your  sen- 
timent, I  must  inform  you  that  I  urged  a  com- 
pliance with  Andre's  request  to  be  shot,  and  I  do 
not  think  it  would  have  had  an  ill  effect ;  but  some 
people  are  only  sensible  to  motives  of  policy,  and 
sometimes,  from  a  narrow  disposition,  mistake  it." 
Genius  and  virtue  threw  all  the  fascinating  hues 
of  romance  around  the  execution  of  this  ill-fated  son 
of  destiny.  Brave,  generous,  and  lofty,  endowed 
with  the  most  exalted  sense  of  honor,  and  a  gal- 
lantry approaching  the  spirit  of  the  old  cavaliers 
of  romance,  .possessing  talents  of  the  highest  order, 
and  an  intellect  cultivated  to  the  most  brilliant 
point  of  perfection;  joined  to  all  those  refined  sen- 
sibilities which  constitute  the  poetry  of  life,  and 
rescue  men  from  the  groveling  vices  and  debasing 
passions  of  our  kind,  Andre  became  an  object  of 
interest  and  concern  to  all,  but  in  a  particular 
manner  to  Washington;  who,  bfing  so  richly 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  81 

gifted  with  the  same  attributes,  became  fully  qua- 
lified to  appreciate  his  virtues,  and  to  sympathize 
acutely  in  his  misfortune.  But  however  deeply  ho 
might  feel,  his  natural  firmness  and  heroic  sense 
of  duty  to  his  country,  and  to  liberty,  constrained 
him  by  every  obligation  of  patriotic  duty  to  en- 
force the  verdict  of  the  court  martial;  and  if  a  tear 
fell  to  moisten  the  paper,  when  he  appended  his 
signature  to  the  warrant  for  the  execution,  it  was 
the  hallowed  tribute  which  nature,  in  a  virtuous 
bosom,  ever  pays  to  the  afflictions  of  a  noble  mind, 
and  redeemed  the  act  of  state  policy  from  every 
trace  of  revenge,  cruelty,  or  design. 

The  unceasing  efforts  of  the  British  government 
to  rescue  Andre  from  his  impending  fate,  did  honor 
to  the  country  in  whose  service  his  life  was  so  fruit- 
lessly sacrificed,  and  they  wipe  away  some  of  the 
dark  stains  occasioned  by  the  honors  and  rewards 
they  bestowed  on  the  traitor-knave  who  had  enticed 
him  into  so  disgraceful  an  end,  and  who,  while 
virtue  continues  to  be  cherished,  or  patriotism  re- 
warded with  the  applause  of  men,  will  be  doomed 
to  everlasting  execration,  as  one  who  combined 
splendor  of  talents  with  the  perfection  of  crime, 
and  whose  name  will  be  appropriated  by  the  remot- 
est generations  of  mankind,  to  cover  with  the 
leprosy  of  infamy  all  those  vile  deeds,  whose  atro- 


82  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

city  may  fail  to  be  expressed  in  the  common  words 
of  our  language,  but  which  will  find  an  ample  sub- 
stitute in  the  name  of  Benedict  Arnold. 

Allied  to  some  of  the  first  families  of  Great  Bri- 
tain, and  placed  by  royal  patronage  in  the  highest 
path  of  preferment,  the  fate  of  Major  Andre  pro- 
duced an  impression  which  extended  even  to  the 
heart  of  the  throne.  Contracted  in  vows  of  love 
to  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  accomplished 
daughters  of  England,  the  fate  of  Andre  became  a 
touching  theme  for  the  poet,  as  well  as  an  instruc- 
tive moral  to  the  historian ;  and  while  the  bosom 
of  beauty  sighed  over  his  fate,  the  lyre  of  the  min- 
strel tuned  a  plaintive  melody  to  his  melancholy 
and  ill-fated  love. 

By  Washington  only  could  the  execution  of  a 
sentence  which  awakened  such  profound  and  uni- 
versal sympathy,  have  been  fulfilled  without  pro- 
ducing imputations  of  cruelty,  and  a  vindictive 
thirst  for  blood.  But  the  mild  benevolence  of 
his  heart,  the  lofty  justice  of  his  mind,  and  the 
exalted  purity  of  his  intentions,  interposed  the  bul- 
wark of  humanity  against  the  remotest  suspicion 
of  want  of  clemency.  Washington  never  shed  human 
blood  but  with  anguish,  and  on  occasions  of  the 
most  dire  necessity.  He  took  no  delight  in  scenes 
of  carnage,  and  never  exposed  the  lives  of  his  sol- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON".  83 

diers  more  than  was  absolutely  necessary  to  the 
purpose  in  hand ;  being  more  frugal  of  the  expen- 
diture of  life  than  any  general  who  ever  led  a 
squadron  to  the  field,  in  any  age  or  country. 

The  entire  safety  of  the  American  cause  pleaded 
with  irresistible  eloquence  in  favor  of  the  execution 
of  Andre;  and  the  flight  and  escape  of  Arnold 
added  weight  to  every  consideration  of  policy  that 
operated  to  induce  the  doom  of  the  former.  The 
attempt  of  the  British  alone  to  enter  the  American 
camp  with  overflowing  purses  of  gold,  tempting  the 
weak  and  corrupting  the  wicked,  demanded  exem- 
plary punishment  on  the  part  of  the  commander- 
in-chief;  and  however  sophistry  might  quibble 
about  the  justice  of  the  sentence  of  the  court  mar- 
tial, on  the  ground  that  Andre  did  not  enter  the 
American  lines  in  disguise,  the  fact  never  was  dis- 
puted that  he  was  arrested  in  disguise  within  the 
American  lines. 

The  whole  deportment  of  Major  Andre,  however, 
was  so  frank,  manly,  and  honorable,  as  to  enlist 
among  his  warmest  champions  and  admirers  the 
most  zealous  friends  of  American  independence, 
who  only  regretted  that  fortune  should  have  favored 
the  flight  of  the  infamous  traitor  Arnold,  while 
adversity  cast  her  toils  around  his  brilliant  but  less 
fortunate  victim:  for  Andre  confessed,  with  the 


84  •        THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES 

frankness  of  a  soldier,  and  the  veracity  of  a  man 
of. honor,  the  object  of  his  visit  to  West  Point; 
and  instead  of  obscuring  the  case  by  equivocations 
and  concealment,  threw  himself  at  once  on  the 
magnanimity  of  his  foes,  by  avowing  his  real  de- 
signs. It  will,  however,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
of  his  disguise,  ever  remain  a  disputed  point, 
whether  he  could  strictly  be  viewed  in  the  light  of 
a  spy;  but  the  necessity  of  his  execution  was 
placed  beyond  a  doubt,  and  his  claim  to  be  set  at 
liberty,  under  all  the  circumstances,  never  could 
be  fully  established.  Yet  his  death  did  not  sully 
his  fame,  or  cover  him  with  opprobrium — having 
died  like  a  hero  as  he  had  lived  like  a  man  of  bra- 
very and  honor.  The  most  rigid  patriot  may  shed 
a  tear  over  his  fate,  may  feel  esteem  for  his  virtues, 
and  may  express  admiration  for  his  heroism,  valor, 
and  genius. 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that,  at  this  early  period, 
while  the  colonies  were  involved  in  a  struggle,  the 
issue  of  which  to  most  observers  yet  seemed  doubt- 
ful; while  the  minds  of  the  most  sagacious  of 
American  patriots  were  content  to  dwell  on  the 
present  energies  and  wants  of  the  country,  the 
superior  intellect  of  Hamilton  already  traveled 
forward  to  the  future,  discerned  the  ultimate  issue 
of  the  conflict,  and  contemplated  and  discussed 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  85 

those  great  national  measures  which  would  then 
become  essential  to  the  establishment  of  the  na- 
tional unity,  harmony,  and  prosperity.  In  a  letter 
written  to  James  Duane,  a  distinguished  patriot, 
in  1780,  he  discusses  with  a  masterly  hand,  the 
nature  and  history  of  republican  governments ;  the 
proper  sources  of  legitimate  power  among  them; 
the  dangers  which  surround  them;  the  just  pro- 
portion and  distribution  of  power;  and  the  advan- 
tages of  a  confederacy  of  States.  He  depicts  the 
evils  which  have  afflicted  ancient  and  modern  re- 
publics, and  portrays  their  causes.  He  draws  les- 
sons of  profound  political  wisdom  from  their  expe- 
rience and  their  misfortunes.  He  speaks  wisely 
of  the  taxes,  imports,  commerce  and  revenue  of 
free  and  representative  States.  He  describes  the 
proper  distribution  of  the  executive  departments, 
the  officers  of  the  Federal  government,  and  the 
just  establishment  and  support  of  an  army;  and 
proposes  wise  and  judicious  remedies  for  all  the 
evils  which  had  occurred,  and  which  might  occur, 
in  the  administration  of  a  free,  federative,  repub- 
lican government;  how  to  proportion  the  taxes, 
how  to  collect  them  ;  how  to  increase  the  revenue 
of  the  country  without  encroachments  on  personal 
liberty ;  and  how  a  National  Bank  might  be  estab- 
lished and  conducted,  which  would  prove  a  safe, 
8 


8G  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

permanent  source  of  individual  and  national  wealth 
and  prosperity.  This  production  of  this  gifted 
statesman,  written  at  that  early  period,  and  with 
the  few  lights  then  existing  on  the  subject,  by 
which  he  indicates  the  very  principles  which  were 
afterward  in  great  part  incorporated  into  the 
Federal  Constitution  itself,  is  an  unequalled  mo- 
nument of  his  intellect;  and  proves,  that  the  or- 
phan boy  of  Nevis  was  in  truth  one  of  nature's 
master-pieces,  born  to  assume  a  high  and  distin- 
guished place  in  the  history  of  his  times. 

The  dissensions  which  now  arose  in  Congress,  ge- 
nerated by  the  quarrels  and  jealousies  of  our  min- 
isters at  foreign  courts,  produced  no  little  elation 
in  the  minds  of  our  enemies.  The  real  character 
of  the  state  of  the  country,  at  this  period,  will  be 
best  delineated  by  a  letter  written  by  Washington 
himself,  to  one  of  his  ablest  political  friends,  in 
which  he  says :  "I  am  particularly  desirous  of  a  free 
communication  of  sentiments  with  you  at  this  time, 
because  I  view  things  veiy  differently,  I  fear,  from 
what  people  in  general  do,  who  seem  to  think  the 
contest  at  an  end,  and  that  to  make  money,  and  get 
places,  are  the  only  things  now  remaining  to  be 
done.  I  have  seen,  without  despondency,  even  for 
a  moment,  the  hours  which  America  has  styled  her 
gloomy  ones;  but  I  have  beheld  no  day  since  the 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  87 

commencement  of  hostilities,  when  I  have  thought 
her  liberties  in  such  imminent  danger  as  at  present. 
Friends  and  foes  seem  now  to  combine  to  pull  down 
the  goodly  fabric  we  have  hitherto  been  raising,  at 
the  expense  of  so  much  time,  blood,  and  treasure ; 
and  unless  the  bodies  politic  will  exert  themselves 
to  bring  things  back  to  first  principles,  correct 
abuses,  and  punish  our  internal  foes,  inevitable  ruin 
must  follow.  Indeed,  we  seem  to  be  verging  so 
fast  to  destruction,  that  I  am  filled  with  sensations 
to  which  I  have  been  a  stranger  until  within  these 
three  months.  Our  enemies  behold  with  exultation 
and  joy  how  effectually  we  labor  for  their  benefit — 
and  from  being  in  a  state  of  absolute  despair,  and 
on  the  point  of  evacuating  America,  are  now  on 
tiptoe.  Nothing,  therefore,  in  my  judgment,  can 
save  us  but  a  total  reformation  in  our  own  conduct, 
or  some  decisive  turn  of  affairs  in  Europe.  The 
former,  alas!  (to  our  shame  be  it  spoken,)  is  less 
likely  to  happen  than  the  latter,  as  it  is  now  consist- 
tent  with  the  views  of  the  speculators,  various  tribes 
of  money  makers,  and  stock-jobbers  of  all  denomi- 
nations, to  continue  the  war  for  their  own  private 
emolument,  without  considering  that  this  avarice 
and  thirst  for  gain  must  plunge  every  thing,  inclu- 
ding themselves,  in  one  common  ruin. 

"  It  is  a  fact  too  notorious  to  be  concealed,  that 


88  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Congress  is-  rent  by  party — that  much  business  of  a 
trifling  nature,  and  personal  concernment,  with- 
draws their  attention  from  matters  of  great  na- 
tional moment  at  this  critical  period:  when  it  is 

r 
also  known  that  idleness  and  dissipation  take  place 

of  close  attention  and  application.  Believe  me 
when  I  tell  you  there  is  danger  of  it.  I  have  pretty 
good  reasons  for  thinking  that  administration,  a 
little  while  ago,  had  resolved  to  give  the  matter  up, 
and  negociate  a  peace  with  us  upon  almost  any 
terms ;  but  I  shall  be  much  mistaken  if  they  do  not 
now,  from  the  present  state  of  our  currency,  dis- 
sensions, and  other  circumstances,  push  matters  to 
the  utmost  extremity.  Nothing,  I  am  sure,  will 
prevent  it  but  the  interruption  of  Spain,  and  their 
disappointed  hope  from  Russia." 

Thus,  with  a  comprehensive  eye  and  an  ever 
wakeful  patriotism,  did  "Washington  penetrate  to 
the  causes  of  weakness,  lament  the  obstacles  to 
our  independence,  and  labor  to  soothe  irritation, 
remove  difficulties,  and  promote  union,  harmony, 
and  success.  But  whatever  hopes  the  English  might 
then  cherish  from  existing  dissensions  were  speedily 
dissipated  by  that  recuperative  energy  and  common 
sense  of  danger,  which  recalled  the  minds  of  men 
from  the  spoils  of  victory  to  the  acquisition  of  per- 
manent and  rational  liberty. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  89 

Active  hostilities  were  now  transferred  from  the 
northern  and  middle  States  to  South  Carolina  and 
Georgia,  where  a  large  body  of  tories,  disaffected  to 
the  cause  of  freedom,  inspired  the  enemy  with  san- 
guine hopes  of  making  an  easy  conquest  of  those 
States ;  in  which  attempt  they  at  first  but  too  well 
succeeded. 

Serious  discontents  of  a  seditious  character,  hav- 
ing appeared  in  the  Jersey  brigade,  Washington, 
with  his  usi:al  address  and  patriotism,  labored  to 
arrest  it  by  the  persuasion  of  his  eloquence.  The 
want  of  pay,  and  other  evils  incident  to  a  deranged 
and  rotten  currency,  were  of  too  deep  a  nature  to 
be  very  patiently  borne  or  easily  healed. 

Washington  now  directed  his  attention  to  the 
Indian  settlements;  and  having  dispatched  Colonel 
Van  Schaik  and  General  Sullivan  against  some  of 
the  towns  of  the  Onandagoes,  a  complete  devasta- 
tion of  their  country  and  farms  was  effected. 

In  November,  1780,  the  American  Congress  had 
concluded  to  send  an  Envoy  Extraordinary  to 
France,  for  the  purpose  of  procuring  from  that 
country  more  extensive  and  efficient  aid.  Colonel 
Hamilton  was  selected  by  Washington,  by  Lafay- 
ette, and  other  leading  statesmen,  to  fill  this  import- 
ant post.  At  first  it  seemed  probable  that  the 
proffered  service  would  be  accepted.  But  at  that 


90  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

moment  information  arrived  that  Henry  Laurens, 
formerly  President  of  Congress,  who  had  been  ap- 
pointed a  commissioner  to  negotiate  a  treaty  with 
the  United  Provinces,  had  been  arrested  in  Eng- 
land and  imprisoned.  This  induced  a  desire  on 
the  part  of  Hamilton's  friend,  Col.  Laurens,  the 
son  of  the  captive  commissioner,  to  go  abroad  in 
order  to  obtain  his  father's  release.  As  soon  as 
Hamilton  learned  the  willingness  of  his  friend  to 
undertake  the  mission,  he  generously  relinquished 
all  pretensions  of  his  own,  and  insisted  on  the  ap- 
pointment of  Mr.  Laurens.  On  the  llth  of  De- 
cember, 1780,  that  gentleman  was  accordingly 
elected  by  Congress  as  Envoy  of  the  colonies  to 
France.  Previous  to  the  departure  of  Mr.  Lau- 
rens, General  "Washington  desired  that  he  should 
be  furnished  with  a  minute  letter  of  instructions, 
which,  as  Lafayette  suggested,  would  add  consider- 
able weight  and  efficiency  to  his  representations. 
The  honorable  and  difficult  task  of  preparing  this 
letter  was  committed  by  "Washington  to  the  execu- 
tion of  Mr.  Hamilton ;  and  it  was  composed  with 
his  usual  prudence,  ability,  and  success. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  91 


CHAPTER  V. 

MARRIAGE  OF  HAMILTON — QtTARREL  BETWEEN  HAMILTON  AND  WASHING- 
TON— HAMILTON  BETIRKS  FROM  THE  CAMP — HIS  PLAN  OP  A  NATIONAL 
BASK — WRITES  THE  CONTINENTALIST — HE  RETURNS  TO  THE  CAMP — 
INCIDENTS  AT  YORKTOWN — HEROISM  OP  HAMILTON  AT  THE  CAPTURE  OF 
CORNWALLIS — GLORIOUS  RESULTS  OF  THAT  VICTORY — HAMILTON  RE- 
TURNS TO  ALBANY — COMMENCES  THE  STUDY  OP  THE  LAW — 18  APPOINTED 
RECEIVER  OF  CONTINENTAL  TAXES — HIS  ADMISSION  TO  THE  BAR. 

THESE  interesting  occurrences  in  the  life  of  Ha- 
milton were  concluded  toward  the  end  of  the  year, 
by  his  marriage  with  Miss  Elizabeth  Schuyler,  the 
second  daughter  of  General  Philip  Schuyler,  the 
eminent  revolutionary  soldier  and  patriot.  This 
event  took  place  at  Albany,  the  residence  of  the 
bride's  father,  on  the  14th  of  December,  1780. 

Among  the  many  gallant  and  distinguished  young 
men  who  were  known  to  the  family  circle  of  Ge- 
neral Schuyler,  not  a  few  might  have  reasonably 
aspired  to  the  honor  of  the  lady's  hand.  But 
among  that  brilliant  company  the  young  "West 
Indian,  then  in  his  twenty-fourth  year,  and  already 
classed  with  the  most  eminent  soldiers  and  patriots 
of  the  land,  triumphantly  bore  away  the  prize, 
lie  was  indeed  not  undeserving  of  this  preference* 


92  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

He  was  young,  handsome  in  person,  of  spotless 
character,  of  splendid  abilities,  possessing  a  high 
fame,  and  enjoying  the  most  flattering  prospects  of 
the  future.  The  bride  was  beautiful,  accomplished, 
talented,  and  well-born.  Her  vivacity,  intelligence, 
and  amiability,  had  rendered  her  an  universal  fa- 
vorite in  the  polished  circles  of  Albany,  at  that  time 
one  of  the  most  select  and  cultivated  towns  in  the 
country.  Rarely  had  a  more  distinguished  and 
appropriate  match  been  accomplished;  and  the 
many  friends  of  the  young  couple  rejoiced  at  their 
felicity.  This  union,  as  might  readily  be  supposed, 
was  congenial  in  the  highest  degree;  and  was  pro- 
ductive of  the  utmost  happiness.  They  enjoyed 
twenty-four  years  of  domestic  comfort,  which 
seemed  but  to  increase,  as  the  progress  of  time  accu- 
mulated new  honors  on  the  head  of  the  gifted 
statesman;  until  at  last,  the  bloody  hand  of  one 
who  has  not  inappropriately  been  termed  his  assas- 
sin, ended  a  career  of  unsurpassed  usefulness  and 
honor,  by  a  violent  death  and  a  premature  grave. 

A  few  weeks  after  the  marriage  of  Hamilton,  on 
the  16th  of  February,  1781,  a  somewhat  singular 
and  disagreeable  incident  occurred  between  himself 
and  the  commander-in-chief,  which  exerted  some 
influence  on  his  future  career. 

He  had  now  been  nearly  four  years  ill  the  family 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  93 

of  Washington,  as  his  aid-de-camp.  He  had  se- 
cured, by  his  superior  abilities  and  integrity,  the 
first  place  in  his  confidence.  But  the  position  had 
always  been  one  in  some  respects  disagreeable  to 
Hamilton,  inasmuch  as  it  placed  him  in  a  state  of 
dependence  on  the  will  and  subject  to  the  caprices 
of  another.  On  the  day  just  mentioned  a  breach 
occurred  between  them  which  put  an  end  to  this 
relation,  though  between  men  of  such  intelligence 
and  such  integrity  it  could  not  diminish  their  mutual 
confidence  and  respect. 

The  incidents  of  the  dispute  were  these  ;  and  tri- 
vial enough  they  were  to  have  led  to  such  important 
consequences.  "Washington  and  Hamilton  passed 
each  other  on  the  stairs  at  the  head-quarters  of  the 
army,  then  located  at  Morristown,  in  New  Jersey. 
The  general  said  he  wished  to  speak  to  Hamilton. 
The  latter  answered  that  he  would  wait  on  him  im- 
mediately. Hamilton  went  below  and  delivered  a 
letter  of  importance  to  Mr.  Tilghman,  which  was 
to  be  sent  immediately  to  'the  Commissary,  as  it 
contained  an  order  of  the  most  pressing  nature. 
As  Hamilton  reascended  the  stairs  he  was  met  by 
General  Lafayette.  The  latter  detained  him  a  few 
moments  in  conversation.  When  Hamilton  reached 
the  head  of  the  stairs  he  met  General  "Washington, 
who  had  left  his  own  apartment  and  conie  forward 


94  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

to  accost  him.  Pie  exclaimed  in  an  angry  tone: 
"  Col.  Hamilton,  you  have  kept  me  waiting  for  you 
these  ten  minutes.  I  must  tell  you,  sir,  you  treat 
me  with  disrespect."  Hamilton  replied  :  "  I  am 
not  conscious  of  it,  sir;  hut  since  you  have  thought 
it  necessary  to  tell  me  so,  we  part."  "  Very  well, 
sir,"  responded  "Washington,  "if  it  be  your  choice." 

Such  was  the  cause  of  this  unfortunate  difficulty. 
The  truth  was  that  Washington,  harassed  by  ten 
thousand  cares,  had  in  a  moment  of  thoughtlessness 
given  way  to  a  little  petulance  which  was  quite  excus- 
able; and  that  Hamilton,  wearied  with  the  disagree- 
able dependence  which  always  attends  the  position 
and  functions  of  an  aid-de-camp,  determined  to  em- 
brace the  opportunity  thus  afforded  to  put  an  end 
to  a  relation  which  he  had  long  endured  only  from 
patriotic  and  disinterested  motives,  and  from  a 
powerful  attachment  to  the  person  and  career  of 
Washington. 

True  to  the  greatness  of  his  character,  scarcely 
an  hour  had  elapsed  before  Washington  sent  Mr. 
Tilghman  to-Hamilton  to  express  to  him  his  great 
confidence  in  his  abilities,  integrity,  and  usefulness, 
and  desired  to  heal  the  difference  which  had  been 
caused  by  a  moment  of  unguarded  irritation.  But 
Hamilton  persisted  in  his  resolution  to  embrace 
that  opportunity  to  withdraw  from  the  general's 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  95 

family,  and  to  enter  on  a  more  free  and  uncon- 
strained career;  and  therefore,  while  giving  utter- 
ance to  the  boundless  admiration  and  honor  with 
which  he  regarded  the  commander-in-chief,  de- 
clined to  change  his  resolution  to  withdraw  from 
his  family.  Yet  this  separation,  unpleasant  as  it 
was  to  both  parties,  did  not  in  the  least  impair 
their  friendship  ;  and  in  subsequent  years  Hamilton 
still  stood  first  in  the  confidence  of  "Washington, 
for  ability,  integrity,  and  patriotism. 

Hamilton  applied  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
shortly  after  this  separation,,  for  an  independent 
command.  But  there  were  insuperable  difficulties 
in  the  way,  arising  from  the  jealousy  of  older  offi- 
cers in  seeing  a  younger  one  promoted  over  them ; 
and  the  request  was  refused.  Lafayette,  who  was 
stationed  at  this  period  at  Richmond,  in  command 
of  the  southern  portion  of  the  army,  invited  Ha- 
milton to  take  command  of  the  artillery  companies 
in  that  service,  and  urgently  pressed  upon  him  to 
comply  with  the  offer. 

But  Hamilton's  mind  was  at  this  period,  in  April, 
1781,  engaged  in  elaborating  several  financial 
schemes  intended  to  relieve  the  pecuniary  wants  of 
the  country ;  and  the  fruit  of  his  investigation  he 
embodied  in  another  letter  to  Robert  Morris,  dis- 
cussing the  causes  of  the  depreciation  of  the  Con 


96  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

tinental  currency,  indicating  the  most  efficient 
means  for  increasing  its  value,  and  detailing  a 
charter  for  a  bank,  to  be  adopted  and  incorporated 
by  Congress.  In  this  communication  he  boldly 
asserts  the  principle  that,  "  it  is  in  a  National  Bank 
alone,  that  we  can  find  the  ingredients  to  constitute  a 
wholesome,  solid,  and  beneficial  paper  credit."  The 
opinion  entertained  of  this  elaborate  and  lengthy 
production  by  the  distinguished  financier  to  whom 
it  was  addressed,  maybe  inferred  from  the  follow- 
ing words  contained  in  the  letter  sent  by  Mr.  Mor- 
ris in  reply  to  Hamilton  :  "  My  office  is  new,  (Su- 
perintendent of  Finance,)  and  I  am  young  in  the 
execution  of  it.  Communications  from  men  of 
genius  and  abilities  will  always  be  acceptable,  and 
yours  will  ever  command  the  attention  of  your 
obedient  humble  servant."  The  plans  suggested 
by  Mr.  Hamilton  were  submitted  by  Mr.  Morris  to 
Congress,  and  adopted  on  the  26th  of  May,  1781. 

The  next  project  of  Mr.  Hamilton  had  reference 
to  the  future  establishment  of  a  convention  of 
States.  In-  order  to  promote  the  consummation  of 
this  result,  he  devoted  himself  to  the  composition 
of  a  series  of  masterly  essays,  under  the  title  of  the 
Continentalist,  the  first  number  of  which  appeared 
in  July,  1781.  They  present  a  worthy  foreshadowing 
of  the  unrivaled  power  and  splendor  which  were 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  97 

destined  afterward  to  shine  forth  from  every  page 
of  "Publius"  in  the  Federalist.  In  these  essays  he 
discussed  the  defects  of  the  existing  confederacy 
between  the  colonies ;  asserts  the  propriety  and 
advantage  of  concentrating  efficient  power  in  the 
central  government ;  and  exposes  the  absurdity  of 
that  jealousy  of  the  federal  authority  which  some 
of  the  colonies  had  displayed.  He  clearly  described 
the  powders  with  which  an  efficient  federal  govern- 
ment ought  to  be  invested.  He  showed  how  it 
ought  to  regulate  trade,  how  it  should  grant  boun- 
ties and  premiums,  how  it  should  impose  duties, 
appoint  officers  of  the  customs,  lay  embargos,  levy 
taxes,  dispose  of  unseated  lands,  appropriate  the 
products  of  the  mines,  and  appoint  ail  officers  in  the 
land  and  naval  service. 

He  established,  with  great  clearness  and  force  of 
reasoning,  the  position  that,  in  all  federative  go- 
vernments, the  great  danger  is,  lest  in  consequence 
of  the  jealousies  of  its  members,  its  powers  will  be 
too  much  restricted;  that  it  will  not  possess  suf- 
ficient resources  to  protect  itself,  and  thereby  pre- 
serve the  blessings  which  such  a  union  is  intended 
to  confer ;  and  that  it  is  never  possible,  in  the  nature 
of  things,  for  the  central  power  to  become  formida- 
ble to  the  general  liberty.  "A  mere  regard  to  the 
interests  of  the  confederacy,  will  never  be  a  princi- 
9 


98  THE   LIFE   AND   T*MES 

pie  sufficiently  active  to  curb  the  ambition  and  in- 
trigues of  different  members.  Force  cannot  affect  it. 
A  contest  of  arms  will  seldom  take  place  between  the 
common  sovereign  and  a  single  refractory  member, 
but  between  distinct  combinations  of  the  several 
parts  against  each  other,  a  sympathy  of  situations 
will  be  apt  to  produce  associates  to  the  disobedient." 
At  the  early  age  of  twenty-four,  the  prophetic  eye 
of  this  in-born  statesman  foresaw,  even  while  the 
country  was  panting  and  fainting  under  the  ponder- 
ous load  of  a  protracted  war  with  the  greatest  of 
European  powers,  and  the  issue  seemed  doubtful 
even  to  the  most  patriotic  and  sanguine, — he  then 
foresaw  the  future  splendors  of  the  land  of  his  adop- 
tion. Says  he:  "There  is  something  noble  and 
magnificent  in  the  perspective  of  a  great  Federative 
Republic,  closely  linked  in  the  pursuit  of  a  common 
interest,  tranquil  and  prosperous  at  home,  respecta- 
ble abroad;  there  is  something  proportionably 
diminutive  and  contemptible  in  the  prospect  of  a 
number  of  petty  States,  with  the  appearance  only 
of  union,— Barring,  jealous  and  perverse, — without 
any  determined  direction,  fluctuating  and  unhappy 
at  home,  weak  and  insignificant  by  their  dissensions 
in  the  eyes  of  other  nations.  Happy  America,  if 
those  to  whom  thou  hast  intrusted  the  guardian- 
ship of  thy  infancy,  know  how  to  provide  for  thy 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  99 

future  repose;  but 'miserable  and  undone  if  their 
negligence  or  ignorance  permits  the  spirit  of  dis- 
cord to  erect  her  banners  on  the  ruins  of  thy  tran- 
quillity." 

In  the  spring  of  1781,  hostilities  with  England  were 
again  resumed,  and  the  revolutionary  struggle  pro- 
ceeded. "Washington  resolved  to  attack  New  York, 
and  preparatory  to  that  decisive  movement  he  judged 
it  advisable  to  hold  an  interview  with  the  French 
commander,  General  Rochambeau.  For  this  purpose 
he  again  visited  Newport.  The  degree  of  confidence 
and  esteem  which  "Washington  still  entertained  for 
Hamilton,  notwithstanding  their  temporary  cool- 
ness, may  be  inferred  from  the  following  letter, 
which  was  written  at  this  time :  "  Dear  Hamilton — 
I  shall  be  obliged  to  you  for  the  answer  to  the 
address,  as  soon  as  it  is  convenient  to  you.  If  we 
do  not  ride  to  the  Point  to  see  the  fleet  pass  out,  I 
am  to  have  a  conference  with  the  Count  de  Roch- 
ambeau, and  the  engineer,  directly  after  breakfast, 
at  which  I  wish  you  to  be  present.  I  am  sincerely 
and  affectionately  yours." 

From  Newport,  Hamilton  returned  to  Albany, 
and  remained  there  a  short  time.  In  July,  finding 
that  his  application  for  a  separate  command  in  the 
army  would  not  be  complied  with,  he  wrote  to 
Washington  enclosing  his  commission.  lie  proba- 


100  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

bly  did  this  at  the  suggestion,  certainly  with  the 
approval,  of  his  young  wife.  "Washington  declined 
to  receive  the  resignation  of  Col.  Hamilton,  and 
promised  to  bestow  the  coveted  command  on  the 
first  available  opportunity.  This  offer  was  accepted 
by  Hamilton,  and  he  withdrew  his  resignation. 
He  returned  to  the  camp  at  Dobb's  Ferry,  a  posi- 
tion on  the  Hudson  river,  twenty  miles  above  New 
York. 

It  was  at  this  time  Washington  received  the  first 
information  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  squadron 
imder  the  Count  de  Grasse,  off  the  coast  of  Virginia. 
A  council  of  war  was  instantly  summoned,  at  which 
"Washington  invited  Mr.  Hamilton  to  be  present. 
After  considerable  discussion  it  was  determined  to 
relinquish  the  proposed  attack  on  New  York,  and 
by  a  forced  march  to  proceed  toward  Virginia.  It 
was  hoped  that  by  an  effective  union  with  the 
approaching  French  armament,  the  capture  or 
defeat  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown  might  be  accom- 
plished. 

To  render  the  consummation  of  this  glorious 
enterprise  more  certain,  it  was  kept  studiously  con- 
cealed, and  a  false  destination  of  the  army  was  an- 
nounced. Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  commander  of  the 
British  forces  in  New  York,  was  completely  duped. 
But  one  difficulty  impeded  the  execution  of  the  bold 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  101 

plan  which  had  been  adopted  by  General  Washing- 
ton. This  was  the  want  of  the  necessary  means  to 
remove  the  army  to  its  distant  destination.  In  this 
crisis,  the  great  talents  of  Eobert  Morris  as  a  finan- 
cier were  brought  into  requisition.  He  undertook 
to  obtain  the  necessary  means.  In  an  incredibly 
short  space  of  time  he  secured  all  the  transport  ves- 
sels on  the  Delaware,  provided  supplies  of  provisions 
along  the  whole  intended  route  of  the  army,  and 
even  raised  a  portion  of  the  necessary  funds  on  his 
own  private  responsibility.  If  the  capture  of  Corn- 
wallis  covered  the  American  arms  with  imperisha- 
ble glory ;  if  it  was  the  means  of  terminating  that 
long,  exhaustive  struggle  with  an  honorable  peace; 
if  that  peace  opened  the  way  to  the  future  power 
and  prosperity  of  these  confederate  States ;  if,  in  a 
word,  the  triumph  at  Yorktown  was  the  birth-cause 
of  the  present  greatness  and  felicity  of  this  republic ; 
then  no  inconsiderable  degree  of  the  merit  of  all 
these  fortunate  results  is  due  to  the  energy,  ability, 
and  patriotism  of  Robert  Morris,  at  this  critical  and 
decisive  moment  of  American  history. 

When  the  army  was  about  to  march  for  Virginia, 
Hamilton  received  his  wished-for  command,  and 
prepared  to  accompany  the  expedition.  His  only 
regret  upon  this  distant  venture,  was  the  pain  which 
.his  absence  would  inflict  on  his  oun  bride.  His 


102  THE   LIFE    AND    TIMES 

own  feelings  on  the  subject  may  be  inferred  from 
the  following  extract  from  a  letter  to  her  which  he 
wrote  from  the  camp  :  "A  part  of  the  army,  my 
dear  girl,  is  going  to  Virginia,  and  I  must  of  neces- 
sity be  separated  at  a  much  greater  distance  from 
my  beloved  wife.  I  cannot  announce  the  fatal 
necessity,  without  feeling  every  thing  that  a  fond 
husband  can  feel.  lam  unhappy;  lam  unhappy 
beyond  expression.  I  am  unhappy  because  I  am 
to  be  so  remote  from  you  ;  because  I  am  to  hear 
from  you  less  frequently  than  I  am  accustomed  to 
do.  I  am  miserable  because  I  know  you  will  be  so ; 
I  am  wretched  at  the  idea  of  flying  so  far  fronf  you 
without  &  single  hour's  interview,  to  tell  you  all  my 
pains  and  all  my  love.  But  I  cannot  ask  permission 
to  visit  you.  It  might  be  thought  improper  to  leave 
my  corps  at  such  a  time,  and  upon  such  an  occasion. 
I  must  go  without  seeing  you ;  I  must  go  without 
embracing  you ; — alas  !  I  must  go.  But  let  no  idea 
other  than  of  the  distance  we  shall  be  asunder,  dis- 
quiet you." 

On  the "  22d  August,  1781,  the  march  com- 
menced, and  on  the  6th  September  the  army  reached 
the  head  of  the  Elk.  From  this  point  Hamilton 
again  wrote  to  his  wife.  He  says:  "I  cannot  re- 
fuse myself  the  pleasure  of  writing  you  a  few  lines. 
Constantly  uppermost  in  my  thoughts  and  affec- 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  103 

tions,  I  am  happy  only  when  my  movements  are 
devoted  to  some  office  that  respects  you.  I  would 
give  the  world  to  be  able  to  tell  you  all  I  feel,  and 
all  I  wish ;  but  consult  your  own  heart,  and  you 
will  know  mine.  What  a  world  will  soon  be  be- 
tween us  ?  To  support  the  idea,  all  my  fortitude 
will  be  insufficient.  What  must  be  the  case 
with  you,  who  have  the  most  female  of  female 
hearts.  I  sink  at  the  perspective  of  your  distress, 
and  I  look  to  Heaven  to  be  your  guardian  and  sup- 
port. Every  day  confirms  me  in  the  intention  of 
renouncing  public  life,  and  devoting  myself  wholly 
to  you.  Let  others  waste  their  time  arid  their  tran- 
quillity in  a  vain  pursuit  of  power  and  glory;  be  it 
my  object  to  be  happy  in  a  quiet  retreat,  with  my 
better  angel." 

On  the  22d  of  September  the  allied  armies 
reached  the  harbor  between  Jamestown  and  Wil- 
Hamsburg.  On  the  28th  they  arrived  before  the 
enemy's  works  at  Yorktown.  The  position  of 
Cornwallis  was  one  of  considerable  strength,  and 
its  defenses  had  been  judiciously  erected.  It  was  si- 
tuated on  a  peninsula  formed  by  the  junction  of 
the  York  and  James  rivers,  near  their  approach 
to  the  Chesapeake.  To  this  position  Cornwallis 
had  been  driven,  by  being  intercepted  in  his 
retreat  into  the  interior  of  Virginia  on  the  one 


104  TJIE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

side,  and  by  the  squadron  of  De  Grasse,  which 
excluded  all  deliverance  from  the  British  fleet  at 
sea.  On  this  point  therefore  he  had  concentrated 
all  his  forces,  amounting  to  seven  thousand  men, 
and  had  determined,  to  make  a  spirited  resistance. 
On  one  hand,  to  the  west,  he  was  protected  by  an 
arm  of  the  river,  by  a  deep  morass,  and  by  a  pre- 
cipitous ravine.  To  the  north,  the  high  banks 
of  the  river  were  unfavorable  to  an  attack ;  and  he 
had  mounted  them  with  a  formidable  array  of  artil- 
lery. Several  British  ships  of  war  were  stationed 
in  the  river  at  this  point,  to  co-operate  in  the  de- 
fense. On'  the  south  and  southwest,  his  camp  was 
protected  by  an  extensive  and  formidable  line  of 
field  fortifications. 

On  the  6th  of  October  the  American  army  took 
their  position  and  opened  their  first  parallel.  They 
were  then  six  hundred  yards  from  the  enemy's 
works.  Hamilton  now  moved  his  corps  of  light 
infantry  within  the  works.  Six  heavy  batteries, 
partly  French  and  partly  American,  played  conti- 
nually on  the  British  lines,  and  did  immense  execu- 
tion. One  of  the  men-of-war  in  the  river,  being  set  on 
fire  by  a  red  hot  shot  from  a  French  battery,  burned 
to  the  water's  edge.  On  the  12th  the  second  pa- 
rallel was  opened,  and  the  allies  were  now  within 
three  hundred  and  fifty  yards  of  the  enemy's  bat- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  105 

teries.  The  bombardment  continued  without  in- 
termission day  and  night.  At  this  point  of  the 
siege,  two  batteries,  detached  from  the  rest  of  the 
works  of  the  besieged,  greatly  annoyed  the  assail- 
ants ;  and  it  became  necessary  to  take  them  by  as- 
sault. The  work  on  the  extreme  left  was  assigned 
to  an  American  detachment ;  that  on  the  right  to  a 
French.  The  former  was  commanded  by  Col.  Ha- 
milton, the  latter  by  De  Viomenil. 

The  signal  for  the  commencement  of  this  peri- 
lous service,  was  the  discharge  of  a  'shell  from 
the  American  battery,  to  be  answered  by  a  corres- 
ponding one  from  the  French.  The  signal  being 
given  at  the  appointed  time,  Hamilton  rushed  for- 
ward at  the  head  of  his  detachment  to  the  attack. 
So  great  was  his  impetuosity  that,  before  his  men 
had  ascended  the  abatis,  he  had  mounted  on  the 
parapet ;  and  there  he  stood  with  three  only  of  his 
gallant  soldiers,  waving  to  his  corps  to  advance. 
Under  a  heavy  and  destructive  fire  the  heroic  com- 
pany pressed  onward.  Soon  they  reached  the  coun- 
terscarp, passed  the  ditch  and  palisades,  and  en- 
tered with  their  commander  into  the  work.  Here 
a  sharp  conflict  ensued;  but  soon  the  ardor  and 
bravery  of  the  assailants  overpowered  the  defend- 
ers of  the  redoubt,  and  it  was  taken.  As'  soon  as 
the  enemy  ceased  to  resist,  quarter  was  allowed 


106  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

them.  No  one  was  slain  who  yielded ;  although  a 
more  sanguinary  policy  might  readily  have  heen 
defended,  in  view  of  the  ferocity  which  had  fre- 
quently characterized  the  conduct  of  the  British  on 
former  occasions.  Only  a  few  days  before  an  Ame- 
rican colonel  had  been  wantonly  slain,  after  he  had 
been  captured,  when  reconnoitering  the  position 
of  the  enemy,  in  violation  of  every  dictate  of  honor 
and  humanity.  But  Col.  Hamilton  forbade  his  men 
to  retaliate  on  this  occasion,  though  an  opposite 
course  oould  have  been  so  well  justified. 

After  the  capture  of  both  of  the  redoubts,  the 
allies  moved  forward  and  drew  their  third  parallel. 
The  fate  of  the  besieged  now  became  desperate. 
They  endeavored  on  the  night  of  the  15th  to  release 
themselves  by  a  vigorous  sortie.  This  also  proved 
unsuccessful.  An  attempt  was  then  made  by  Corn- 
wallis  to  cross  the  river  in  boats  to  Gloucester,  and 
escape  thence  by  land  to  New  York.  In  this  pur- 
pose he  was  defeated  by  the  vigilance  of  the  Ame- 
ricans, who  erected  new  batteries  on  the  river 
banks ;  and  "by  the  occurrence  of  a  furious  storm, 
which  opportunely  arose,  tore  the  boats  from  their 
moorings  and  drove  them  down  the  river.  The 
allies  now  prepared  to  make  a  general  assault  along 
vhe  whole  line  of  their  works;  but  before  they 
could  execute  this  purpose,  Washington  received 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  107 

proposals  of  surrender  from  Lord  Cornwallis.  Soon 
a  suspension  of  hostilities  was  agreed  upon ;  and 
after  the  terms  of  capitulation  had  been  discussed 
and  arranged,  Cornwallis  surrendered.  Colonel 
Laurens,  the  friend  of  Hamilton,  whose  father  was 
still  a  captive  of  the  British  king,  in  the  Tower  of 
London,  was  selected  most  appropriately  to  receive 
the  sword  of  the  vanquished  tool  of  despotism. 
This  glorious  event  may  be  said  to  have  virtually 
ended  the  war ;  and  thus  in  its  closing  and  most 
memorable  scene,  Hamilton  was  permitted  to  en- 
act a  highly  important  and  honorable  part. 

Every  event  on  the  part  of  the  United  States  had, 
for  some  time,  been  conspiring  to  render  a  peace 
absolutely  necessary  to  their  preservation.  The  trea- 
sury was  exhausted.  No  portion  of  the  taxes  could 
be  realized;  the  army  was  discontented,  because  it 
was  impoverished ;  and  it  was  seditious,  because 
smarting  under  wrongs  which  it  had  power,  as  well 
as  inclination,  to  redress.  Washington,  ever  watch- 
ful over  the  welfare  of  his  country,  had  exhausted 
the  resources  of  his  genius,  the  influence  of  his 
character,  and  the  force  of  his  eloquence,  to  remove 
or  mitigate  these  evils  ;  but  in  vain :  even  his  in- 
fluence was  compelled  to  yield  beneath  a  combina- 
tion of  evils,  which  no  human  fortitude  could  endure, 
nor  patience  submit  to.  Still,  Washington  had  the 


108  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

singular  address  and  good  fortune  not  to  quell  the 
spirit  which  sought  for  justice,  but  to  turn  the  feel- 
ings that  were  inflamed  by  wrongs  into  a  harmless 
channel.  On  this  occasion,  his  services  to  his  coun- 
try were  not  of  less  importance  than  his  most  bril- 
liant military  achievements ;  and  being  based  on 
feelings  of  equity,  benevolence,  and  justice,  they  far 
eclipse  in  moral  grandeur  the  most  sanguine  trophies 
that  a  martial  victor  ever  displayed  to  the  applause 
of  people  intoxicated  by  the  false  glare  of  glory. 

Thus  terminated  the  war  of  seven  years  for  Ame- 
rican Independence,  of  which  Hamilton  had  been, 
in  so  great  a  measure,  the  pillar  and  support ; 
which  originated  in  a  difference  apparently  trifling ; 
which  was  prosecuted  through  a  series  of  difficulties 
and  embarrassments  unexampled  in  the  history  of 
mankind ;  and  which  was  finally  achieved  by  those 
unseen  combinations  and  auspicious  events  which 
baffle  and  perplex  the  sagacity  of  man,  at  the 
same  time  that  they  excite  his  gratitude  and  admi- 
ration. 

Throughout  this  long  and  arduous  struggle,  the 
whole  American  people  displayed  those  virtues 
which  most  ennoble  human  nature ;  and  their  pa- 
tience, toil,  bravery,  and  forbearance,  entitle  them 
to  rank  with  any  nation  on  the  face  of  the  globe. 
But  iii  a  peculiar  manner  \yere  they  indebted  to 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  109 

those  solid  virtues  in  the  character  of  "Washing- 
ton, which  combined  with  his  high  faculties  of 
genius  and  intellect  to  conduct  them  triumphantly 
through  its  fiery  ordeal,  and  place  them  on  the  emi- 
nence whose  lofty  and  glittering  peak  attracted  the 
attention  and  applause  of  the  world.  Commenced 
without  preparation,  equally  destitute  of  mone}r, 
arms  and  discipline,  the  revolution  depended  almost 
wholly  for  success  upon  the  genius  and  resources  of 
the  commander-in-chief,  whose  peculiar  character 
alone  fitted  him  to  uphold  it  amidst  adversity,  rally 
it  under  defeat,  and  preserve  it  unbroken  amidst 
convulsions.  The  experience  in  the  case  of  General 
Gates  fully  evinced  what  would  have  been  its  me- 
lancholy catastrophe,  had  the  impetuous  ambition 
of  a  fiery  and  adventurous  commander  led  on  its 
starved  battalions ;  or  an  intriguing  and  unprincipled 
adventurer,  like  Conway  or  Arnold,  had  the  dis- 
bursement of  its  funds,  or  the  management  of  that 
suffering  and  seditious  mass  of  undisciplined  men, 
who  could  only  be  preserved  in  subordination  by  the 
personal  influence  of  George  "Washington — his  vir- 
tues, his  genius,  and  his  patriotism. 

On  the  25th  of  November,  1783.  the  British  eva- 
cuated New  York,  and  the  American  troops  took 
possession  of  the  town.     Washington,  accompanied 
by  Governor  Clinton,  now  made  his  public  entry 
10 


110  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

into  the  city ;  after  which  he  proposed  to  bid  adieu 
to  his  companions  in  arms,  prior  to  a  resignation  of 
his  military  command. 

The  account  which  Gordon  has  given  us  of  this 
parting  scene,  would  suffer  hy  any  abridgment : 
"  This  affecting  interview  took  place  on  the  4th  of 
December.  At  noon,  the  'principal  officers  of  the 
army  assembled  at  Francis'  tavern  ;  soon  after  which 
their  beloved  commander  entered  the  room.  His 
emotions  were  too  strong  to  be  concealed.  Filling 
a  glass,  he  turned  to  them  and  said,  'With  a  heart 
full  of  love  and  gratitude,  I  now  take  leave  of  you ; 
I  most  devoutly  wish  that  your  latter  days  may  be 
as  prosperous  and  happy  as  your  former  ones  have 
been  glorious  and  honorable.'  Having  drank,  he 
added,  *  I  cannot  come  to  each  of  you  to  take  my 
leave,  but  shall  be  obliged  to  you,  if  each  of  }7ou 
will  come  and  take  me  by  the  hand.'  General  Knox 
being  nearest,  turned  to  him ;  incapable  of  utter- 
ance, "Washington  grasped  his  hand,  and  embraced 
him.  In  the  same  affectionate  manner,  he  'took 
leave  of  eaclr  succeeding  officer.  In  every  eye  stood 
the  tears  of  dignified  sensibility ;  and  not  a  word 
was  articulated  to  interrupt  the  majestic  silence  and 
the  tenderness  of  the  scene.  Leaving  the  room,  he 
passed  through  the  corps  of  light  infantry,  and 
walked  to  Whitehall,  where  a  barge  awaited  to  carry 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  Ill 

him  to  Pawles'  Hook.  The  whole  company  fol- 
lowed in  mute  and  solemn  procession,  with  dejected 
countenances,  testifying  the  feelings  of  delicious 
melancholy  which  no  language  can  describe.  Hav 
ing  entered  the  barge,  he  turned  to  the  company_ 
and,  waving  his  hat,  bade  them  a  silent  adieu. 
They  paid  him  the  same  affectionate  compliment, 
and  after  the  barge  had  left  them,  returned  in  the 
same  solemn  manner  to  the  place  where  they  had 
assembled." 

Congress  was  then  in  session  at  Annapolis,  and 
thither  "Washington  repaired  to  resign  his  commis- 
sion into  their  hands.  This  eventful  incident  took 
place  on  the  23d  of  December,  1783.  Having  been 
introduced  by  the  secretary,  he  delivered  the  fol- 
lowing address : 

"  MR.  PRESIDENT  : — The  great  events  on  which  my 
resignation  depended,  having  at  length  taken  place, 
I  have  now  the  honor  of  offering  my  sincere  congra- 
tulations to  Congress,  and  of  presenting  myself  be- 
fore them,  to  surrender  into  their  hands  the  trust 
committed  to  me,  and  to  claim  the  indulgence  of 
retiring  from  the  service  of  my  country. 

"  Happy  in  the  confirmation  of  our  independence 
and  sovereignty,  and  pleased  with  the  opportunity 
afforded  the  United  States  of  becoming  a  respecta- 
ble nation,  I  resign  with  satisfaction  the  appoint- 


112  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

ment  I  accepted  with  diffidence;  a  diffidence  in  my 
abilities  to  accomplish  so  arduous  a  task,  which 
however  was  superseded  by  a  confidence  in  the 
rectitude  bf  our  cause,  the  support  of  the  SU- 
PREME POWER  OF  THE  UNION,  and  the  patronage  of 
Heaven. 

"  The  successful  termination  of  the  war  has  veri- 
fied the  most  sanguine  expectations  ;  and  my  grati- 
tude for  the  interposition  of  Providence,  and  the 
assistance  I  have  received  from  my  countrymen, 
increases  with  every  review  of  the  momentous 
contest. 

"While  I  repeat  my  obligations  to  the  army  in 
general,  I  should  do  injustice  to  my  own  feelings, 
not  to  acknowledge  in  this  place  the  peculiar  ser- 
vices and  distinguished  merits  of  the  gentlemen  who 
have  been  attached  to  my  person  during  the  war. 
It  was  impossible  the  choice  of  confidential  officers 
to  compose  my  family  should  have  been  more  for- 
tunate. Permit  me,  sir,  to  recommend  in  particular, 
those  who  have  continued  in  the  service  to  the  pre- 
sent moment,  as  worthy  of  the  favorable  notice  and 
patronage  of  Congress. 

"I  consider  it  as  an  indispensable  duty  to  close 
this  last  act  of  my  official  life,  by  commending  the 
interests  of  our  dearest  country,  to  the  protection  of 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  113 

Almighty  God,  and  those  who  have  the  superintend- 
ence of  them  to  his  holy  keeping. 

"Having  now  finished  the  work  assigned  me,  I 
retire  from  the  great  theatre  of  action,  and  bidding 
an  affectionate  address  to  this  august  body,  under 
whose  orders  I  have  so  long  acted,  I  here  offer  my 
commission,  and  take  my  leave  of  all  the  employ- 
ments of  public  life." 

To  this  address  Congress  returned  an  appropriate 
reply,  couched  in  the  language  of  gratulation,  grati- 
tude and  affection. 

Finding  himself  thus  relieved  from  the  cares  of 
public  life,  he  now  retired  to  Mount  Vernon,  fol- 
lowed by  the  esteem,  admiration,  and  love  of  the 
whole  American  people. 

It  would,  perhaps,  have  been  more  consonant  witn. 
the-  unobtrusive  and  simple  principles  of  genuine 
republicanism,  had  this  virtuous  and  laudable  feel- 
ing of  veneration  for  their  late  chief  been  restrained 
within  the  limits  of  addresses,  resolutions,  and  decla- 
rations of  gratitude  and  attachment;  instead  of 
manifesting  its  extravagance  in  statues,  monuments, 
and  cc.lumns,  whose  pomp  seemed  to  imitate  the 
tinsel  of  royal  governments,  and  might  tend  to  cor- 
rupt the  integrity  of  republican  truth.  Great  as 
the  immortal  founder  of  the  Republic  was  by  nature, 
end  still  greater  by  his  achievements,  no  outward 
10* 


114  THF   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

homage  could  increase  his  glory,  no  splendor  of  mag- 
nificence could  inflate  him  with  pride. 

Unmoved  by  the  torrent  of  adulation  which  flowed 
upon  him,  he  devoted  his  hours  to  domestic  happi- 
ness, and  the  pursuits  and  improvements  of  agricul- 
ture, which  had  always  been  his  favorite  occupation. 
His  feelings  on  his  retirement  will  be  best  un- 
derstood by  his  own  expression  of  them.  In  a  letter 
to  Governor  Clinton,  three  days  after  his  reaching 
Mount  Yernon,  he  says :  "  The  scene  is  at  length 
closed.  I  feel  myself  eased  of  a  load  of  public  care, 
and  hope  to  spend  the  remainder  of  my  days  in  cul- 
tivating the  affections  of  good  men,  and  in  the  prac- 
tice of  the  domestic  virtues."  In  another  to  Lafay- 
ette, he  thus  unfolds  the  sound  philosophy  of  his 
mind  and  the  benevolent  emotions  of  his  heart :  "  At 
length,  my  dear  Marquis,  I  have  become  a  private 
citizen  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  and,  under  the 
shadow  of  ray  own  vine  and  my  own  fig  tree,  free 
from  the  bustle  of  a  camp,  and  the  busy  scenes  of 
public  life,  I  am  solacing  myself  with  those  tranquil 
enjoyments,"  of  which  the  soldier,  who  is  ever  in 
pursuit  of  fame — the  statesman,  whose  watchful  days 
and  sleepless  nights  are  spent  in  devising  schemes 
to  promote  the  welfare  of  his  own,  perhaps  the  ruin 
of  other  countries,  as  if  this  globe  was  insufficient 
for  us  all — and  the  courtier,  who  is  always  watching 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  115 

the  countenance  of  his  prince,  in  the  hope  of  catch- 
ing a  gracious  smile,  can  have  very  little  conception. 
I  have  not  only  retired  from  all  public  employments, 
hut  am  retiring  within  myself,  and  shall  be  able  to 
view  the  solitary  walk,  and  tread  the  paths  of  pri- 
vate life,  with  heartfelt  satisfaction.  Envious  of 
none,  I  am  determined  to  be  pleased  with  all ;  and 
this,  my  dear  friend,  being  the  order  of  my  march, 
I  will  move  gently  down  the  stream  of  life,  until  I 
sleep  with  my  fathers."  , 

It  was  evident,  however,  that  this  desire  of  private 
contentment  required  a  struggle  ;  and  that  his  mind, 
long  accustomed  to  public  command,  could  not  im- 
mediately subside  into  the  tranquil  current  of  domes- 
tic ease.  In  a  letter  to  General  Knox,  he  thus  de- 
picts this  difficulty  of  weaning  his  thoughts  from  the 
turmoil  of  public  affairs  :  "I  am  just  beginning  to 
experience  the  ease  and  freedom  from  public  cares, 
which,  however  desirable,  takes  some  time  to  realize ; 
for,  strange  as  it  may  seem,  it  is  nevertheless  true, 
that  it  was  not  until  lately  I  could  get  the  better  of 
my  usual  custom  of  ruminating,  as  soon  as  I  awoke 
in  the  morning,  on  the  business  of  the  ensuing  day, 
and  of  my  surprise  at  finding,  after  revolving  many 
things  in  my  mind,  that  I  was  no  longer  a  public 
man,  or  had  any  thing  to  do  with  public  transac- 
tions. I  feel  now,  however,  as  I  conceive  a  wearied 


116  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

traveler  must  do,  who,  after  treading  many  a  pain- 
ful step  with  a  heavy  burden  on  his  shoulders,  is 
eased  of  the  latter,  having  reached  the  haven  to 
which  all  the  former  were  directed,  and  from  his 
house-top  is  looking  back,  and  tracing  with  an  eager 
eye,  the  meanders  by  which  he  escaped  the  quick- 
sands and  mires  which  lay  in  his  way,  and  into 
which  none  but  the  all-powerful  Guide  and  Dis- 
penser of  human  events,  could  have  prevented  his 
falling." 

He  now  devoted  himself  to  agriculture  and  to  plans 
of  internal  improvement;  for  which  purpose  he  ex- 
plored the  western  parts  of  Virginia,  Ohio,  and 
Pennsylvania,  and  particularly  directed  his  attention 
to  the  advancement  of  the  navigation  of  the  Potomac 
and  James  rivers.  Extending  his  views  to  the  western 
country,  he  prepared  a  luminous  exposition  of  the 
sound  policy  of  connecting  that  section  of  the  Union 
more  closely  with  the  eastern  States,  by  means  of  in- 
ternal improvements. 

After  these  events,  toward  the  close  of  1781, 
Hamilton  "returned  to  his  wife  at  Albany.  He 
spent  the  ensuing  winter  in  the  enjoyment  of  do- 
mestic happiness  in  the  family  of  General  Schuyler. 
The  proclamation  of  a  peace  was  confidently  expected 
in  the  spring  of  1782 ;  and  it  became  necessary  for  him 
to  select  some  pursuit  or  profession  to  which  his  ener- 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  117 

gies  and  talents  might  in  future  be  directed.  After 
considerable  deliberation,  he  determined  to  devote 
himself  to  the  profession  of  the  law.  Happily  for 
the  interests  of  his  adopted  country,  his  great  abili- 
ties were  to  be  still  consecrated  to  her  service;  and 
lie  was  destined  to  become  one  of  the  most  promi- 
nent and  useful  of  those  master  spirits  who  moulded 
her  constitution,  who  enacted  her  laws,  who  com- 
bined and  consolidated  her  resources,  and  who  elabo- 
rated for  her  that  glorious  career  which  she  has 
since  so  happily  completed.  Hamilton  accordingly 
apprized  General  Washington  of  his  withdrawal 
from  active  service.  He  then  resumed  his  residence 
at  Albany;  and  inviting  his  old  friend  Colonel 
Troup  to  make  his  house  his  home,  he  commenced 
the  study  of  the  law. 

To  this  dry  and  intricate  science  Hamilton  now 
devoted  himself  with  his  characteristic  ardor ;  and 
his  vastly  superior  talents  well  adapted  him  to  the 
comprehension  of  legal  principles,  and  to  the  acquisi- 
tion of  legal  knowledge.  It  is  not  singular  therefore 
that  his  progress  was  rapid.  Hamilton  acquired  in 
a  day  what  an  ordinary  student  could  scarcely  com- 
pass in  a  week.  At  the  same  time  it  was  happily 
the  case,  that  the  jurisprudence  which  he  was  called 
upon  to  study  was  comparatively  simple.  Its  chief 
burden  consisted  in  the  acquisition  of  the  principles 


11.8  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  the  common  law  of  England,  which  was  also 
the  law  of  the  colony  of  ~New  York.  The  vast 
bulk  of  precedents  and  reported  cases  which  over- 
power the  strongest  mind  of  the  present  day,  with 
their  enormous  mass  and  their  infinite  and  frequently 
contradictory  variety,  did  not  then  exist.  We  will 
not  be  surprised  therefore  to  learn  that  Hamilton 
prepared  himself  for  admission  to  the  bar  in  the 
incredibly  short  period  of  four  months,  and  that  he 
was  licensed  as  an  attorney  at  the  end  of  that  time. 
"We  know  of  but  a  single  instance  of  a  similar  na- 
ture in  the  history  of  the  great  men  of  our  coun- 
try; and,  strange  to  say,  that  man  was  closely 
and  fatally  connected  with  the  career  and  fate  of 
Hamilton.  It  was  Aaron  Burr.  Yet  short  as 
was  this  period  of  probation,  Hamilton's  success 
in  legal  studies  may  be  inferred  from  the  fact,  that 
during  that  time  lie  prepared  a  "Manual  on  the  Prac- 
tice of  the  Law,"  which  possessed  superior  merit; 
and  which,  says  his  friend  Troup,  himself  a  well- 
read  lawyer,  "served  as  an  instructive  grammar. to 
future  students,  and  became  the  groundwork  of 
subsequent  enlarged  practical  treatises." 

It  was  also  during  the  progress  of  his  hurried 
though  competent  preparation  for  the  bar,  that  Ha- 
milton received  a  distinguished  evidence  of  the 
esteem  and  confidence  of  Robert  Morris,  at  that 
time  the  Superintendent  of  Finance  to  the  United 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  119 

States.  This  gentleman  offered  Hamilton  the  re- 
sponsible office  of  Receiver  of  the  Continental 
Taxes  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

This  honorable  offer  Hamilton  at  first  declined. 
The  quota  of  taxes  for  New  York  was  about  three 
hundred  and  seventy-five  thousand  dollars.  He 
was  offered  a  fourth  per  cent,  on  the  amount  col- 
lected. Mr.  Morris  concludes  the  letter  proposing 
the  appointment  by  saying :  "  I  make  no  profes- 
sions of  my  confidence  and  esteem,  because  I  hope 
none  are  necessary ;  but  if  they  are,  my  wish  that 
you  would  accept  the  offer  I  make,  is  the  strongest 
evidence  I  can  give  of  them."  But  upon  examin- 
ing the  nature  of  his  duties  as  Receiver,  and  the 
amount  of  salary  which  he  would  probably  realize 
from  the  appointment,  not  exceeding,  as  he  sup- 
posed, a  hundred  pounds;  and  finding  that  those 
duties  would  seriously  interfere  with  his  legal  stu- 
dies, Hamilton  concluded  to  decline  the  offer.  He 
informed  Mr.  Morris  of  this  determination  by  letter. 
That  gentleman,  still  unwilling  to  lose  the  services 
of  so  able  and  valuable  an  officer,  modified  his 
proposal  to  Mr.  Hamilton  in  such,  a  way  that  both 
the  salary  would  be  increased,  and  his  duties  would 
be  of  such,  a  nature  only  as  not  to  interfere  with 
his  legal  studies.  This  second  and  more  urgent 
proposition  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Morris,  Hamilton 
thought  it  his  duty  to  accept. 


120  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

He  immediately  proceeded  to  Poughkeepsie, 
where  the  Legislature  of  New  York  then  was  in 
session,  in  order  to  convince  that  body  of  the  ne- 
cessity of  providing  copious  supplies  for  the  Conti- 
nental treasury,  and  establish  a  more  efficient 
method  of  collecting  the  taxes.  He  requested  to 
have  a  conference  with  a  committee  of  both  Houses 
of  the  Legislature,  in  order  to  urge  a  revisal  of  the 
tax  laws.  As  the  result  of  his  efforts,  the  State 
Senate  adopted  a  series  of  resolutions  to  the  effect, 
that  "  the  present  system  of  the  States  exposes  the 
cause  to  a  precarious  issue ;  that  the  radical  source 
of  most  of  the  embarrassments  is  the  want  of  suffi- 
cient power  in  Congress  to  effectuate  that  ready 
and  perfect  co-operation  of  the  different  States  on 
which  their  immediate  safety  and  future  happiness 
depend ;  that  experience  has  demonstrated  the  con- 
federation to  be  defective  in  several  essential  points, 
particularly  in  not  vesting  the  federal  government 
either  with  a  power  of  providing  revenue  for  itself, 
or  with  ascertained  and  productive  funds,  secured 
by  a  sanction  so  solemn  and  general  as  would  in- 
spire the  fullest  confidence  in  ,  them  and  make 
them  a  substantial  basis  of  credit;  and  that  it  is 
essential  to  the  common  welfare  that  there  should 
be,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  conference  of  the  whole 
States  on  the  subject." 

These  resolutions  were  drawn  up  by  Hamilton, 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  l'2l 

and  were  unanimously  passed  by  the  Legislature  of 
New  York,  July  22d,  1782.  At  his  suggestion  a 
joint  committee  of  both  Houses  were  appointed  to 
report  at  the  next  session  a  system  for  establishing 
such  fund  within  the  State  as  were  best  suited  to 
answer  its  purposes,  and  those  of  the  United  States ; 
and  for  the  more  effectual  collection  of  taxes. 

On  the  same  day  of  the  passage  of  these  resolu- 
tions, the  Legislature  of  New  York  elected  Hamil- 
ton a  representative  in  Congress.  He  immediately 
informed  Mr.  Robert  Morris  of  the  progress  which 
had  been  made  in  the  functions  of  his  office,  and 
resigned  it,  in  consequence  of  his  election  to  the 
National  Legislature.  After  the  adjournment  of 
the  State  Legislature,  Mr.  Hamilton  returned  to 
Albany,  and  was  after  examination  admitted  to  the 
bar.  He  then  arranged  his  affairs  so  as  to  enable 
him  to  assume  the  high  and  responsible  duties 
which  would  devolve  upon  him,  as  a  representative 
of  one  of  the  leading  States  in  the  Union  in  the 
federal  Congress.  And  all  this  brilliant  array  of 
literary,  military,  and  professional  triumphs,  had 
been  won  by  the  orphan  boy  of  the  distant  island 
of  the  Indian  seas,  at  twenty-five  years  of  age ! 
We  question  whether  so  rapid  and  so  brilliant  a 
career  is  presented  by  the  history  of  any  other 
statesman  of  any  age  or  country. 
11 


122  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER   VI. 


HAMILTON  ELECTED  A  MEMBER  OP  CONGRESS  —  HIS  ACTIVITY  THERE  —  HH 
FINANCIAL  EXPEDIENTS  —  REVOLUTIONARY  CLAIMS  —  ASSISTS  IN  ARRANG- 
ING THE  PRELIMINARIES  OP  PEACE  BETWEEN  THE  UNITED  STA-TES  AND 
GREAT  BRITAIN  —  CLAIMS  OP  THE  CONTINENTAL  ARMY  ON  CONGRESS  — 
HIS  VIEWS  ON  TAXATION  AND  IMPORTS  —  SUPPORTS  THB  ESTABLISHMENT 
OP  A  MILITARY  HOSPITAL  —  HIS  LABORS  AS  CHAIRMAN  OP  THE  MILI- 
TARY COMMITTEE  —  REVOLT  AMONG  THE  PENNSYLVANIA  TROOPS  OF  THB 
CONTINENTAL  AKMY. 


E  now  enter  upon  that  portion  of  the  career 
of  Hamilton  when,  for  the  first  time,  he  moves  in 
a  sphere  well  adapted  to  his  great  abilities,  and 
when  he  takes  a  distinguished  part  in  the  formation 
of  the  laws,  constitution,  and  government  of  one  of 
the  greatest  empires  on  the  earth.  We  see  him  then 
taking  the  lead  while  a  mere  youth,  with  masterly 
skill  and  power,  among  aged,  experienced,  and  re- 
nowned statesmen  ;  and  we  find  him  at  length  in- 
corporating Jiis  own  principles  and  ideas  into  the 
very  heart  of  that  master-piece  of  modern  states- 
manship —  the  Federal  Constitution;  which  will 
remain  through  all  coming  time  a  sublime  monu- 
ment of  political  wisdom  and  sagacity. 

Hamilton  took  his  first  seat  in  Congress  on  the 
25th  of  November,  1782.     Elias  Boudinot,  of 


OP  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON.          123 

Jersey,  was  elected  president.  The  sessions  were 
held  in  Philadelphia.  Thirty  members  composed 
the  body;  the  most  distinguished  among  whom 
were  Clymer,  "Witherspoon,  Rutledge,  Elsworth. 
Lee,  Madison,  and  Sullivan.  Of  Hamilton's  fitness 
for  the  post  which  he  now  occupied,  some  idea  may 
be  formed  from  the  opinion  of  him  expressed  at 
this  time,  and  in  reference  to  his  connection  with 
Congress,  by  Washington.  To  General  Sullivan,  a 
delegate  from  IsTew  Hampshire,  he  wrote :  "  I  can 
venture  to  advance,  from  a  thorough  knowledge 
of  him,  that  there  are  few  men  to  be  found  of  his 
age  who  have  a  more  general  knowledge  than  he 
possesses;  and  none  whose  soul  is  more  firmly  en- 
gaged in  the  cause,  or  who  exceeds  him  in  probity 
or  in  sterling  virtue." 

On  the  4th  of  December  Hamilton  made  his  first 
motion  in  Congress.  It  was  for  the  appointment 
of  a  committee  of  conference  with  the  Legislature 
of  Pennsylvania,  in  reference  to  the  settlement  of 
her  accounts  with  the  United  States,  and  the  sus- 
pension of  the  interest  due  on  certain  classes  of 
certificates.  The  then  existing  state  of  the  national 
finances  was  evidently  such  as  to  render  the  pay- 
ment of  these  demands  on  Congress  impossible 
from  the  national  resources.  There  were  but  two 
courses  which  that  body  could  adopt.  One  of  these 


124  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

was  to  make  some  substantial  provision  for  the  fu- 
ture payment  of  her  claims  by  some  newly  devised 
expedient ;  or  to  permit  Pennsylvania  to  withhold 
her  own  contribution  to  the  federal  government, 
and  appropriate  it  to  the  liquidation  of  the  claims 
of  her  own  citizens  on  the  confederation.  In  refer- 
ence to  this  subject,  and  in  answer  to  the  loud 
clamors  and  just  demands  of  the  army — of  those 
hardy  and  gallant  men  who  had  fought  the  battles 
of  the  Revolution,  and  stained  its  fields  with  their 
blood,  Hamilton  proposed,  on  December  6th,  that 
the  "  Superintendent  of  Finance  should  represent 
to  the  States  the  indispensable  necessity  of  their 
complying  with  the  requisition  for  raising  a  sum 
equal  to  a  year's  interest  of  the  domestic  debt,  and 
two  millions  for  the  current  service,  and  to  point 
out  the  embarrassments  which  resulted  from  appro- 
priations by  the  States  of  the  moneys  required  by 
Congress;  assuring  them  that  they  were  determined 
to  make  the  fullest  justice  to  the  public  creditors 
an .  invariable  object  of  their  counsels  and  exer- 
tions." Efe  also  proposed  the  appointment  of  a 
deputation  to  Rhode  Island,  to  urge  the  grant  of 
the  imports  as  a  measure  essential  to  the  very  safety 
and  reputation  of  these  States,  and  proposed  even 
the  draft  of  an  ordinance  for  its  collection.  The 
deputation  to  Rhode  Island  was  appointed  by  Con- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  125 

gress;  and  Hamilton  himself  prepared  the  letter 
which  Congress  addressed  to  the  governor  of  that 
State,  dated  December  llth,  1782. 

Other  financial  cares  claimed  the  immediate  atten- 
tion of  Congress.  One  of  these  was  the  redemption 
of  the  old  Continental  bills  which  had  been  issued 
during  the  war,  and  which  had  especially  flooded 
New  England.  The  southern  States  were  opposed 
to  the  redemption  of  these  bills.  A  motion  was 
made  to  invite  each  State  to  redeem  their  quotas 
of  the  bills  on  principles  of  substantial  justice. 
This  proposition  was  lost;  and  Hamilton  then 
moved  that  Congress  redeem  the  notes  "at  the 
rate  of  one  to  forty" — the  rate  of  depreciation  es- 
tablished by  Congress.  Finally,  the  whole  attempt 
to  redeem  these  old  bills  was  abandoned ;  and  they 
still  remain  to  this  day  scattered  over  the  land, 
worthless  save  as  impressive  mementos  of  the  ex- 
pedients, the  poverty,  the  patriotism,  and  the  rude 
typography  of  the  memorable  period  which  tried 
men's  souls ! 

The  next  topic  which  came  up  for  consideration 
was  the  claims  of  the  officers  of  the  revolutionary 
army.  Their  memorial  was  referred  by  Congress 
to  a  committee  of  which  Mr.  Hamilton  was  chair- 
man. They  reported  on  the  25th  of  January,  1783; 
and  their  report  discussed  five  points — the  means 
11* 


126  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  present  payment;  a  settlement  of  arrearages  of 
pay  and  security  for  what  was  already  due ;  a  com- 
mutation of  the  half  pay  for  an  equivalent  in  gross  ; 
and  a  settlement  of  the  accounts  of  the  deficiencies 
of  rations  and  compensation,  and  a  similar  settle- 
ment in  reference  to  clothing  and  compensation 
due  in  default  of  it. 

The  establishment  of  a  permanent  national  re- 
venue, a  measure  vitally  essential  to  the  future 
prosperity  and  security  of  the  nation,  now  occupied 
the  attention  of  Mr.  Hamilton.  He  brought  the 
subject  in  a  legitimate  way  before  Congress.  The 
expedient  which,  after  much  deliberation,  he  pro- 
posed, was  the  valuation  and  appropriation  of  the 
public  lands  to  that  purpose.  He  suggested  that 
when  the  valuation  of  these  lands  was  finished, 
Congress  should  finally  adjust  the  accounts  of  the 
United  States  with  the  States  separately,  agreeably 
to  the  standard  thus  made,  making  equitable  abate- 
ments to  such  as  have  been  more  immediate  suffer- 
ers by  the  war;  and  that  in  the  mean  time  they 
would  adhere  to  the  proportions  already  established 
by  Congress,  in  the  temporary  adjustment  of  their 
accounts  with  the  federal  government. 

At  this  period  Hamilton  proposed  a  resolution 
in  Congress,  which  was  honorable  both  to  himself 
and  to  its  subject.  He  moved  and  carried  that 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  127 

"the  commander-in-chief  be  informed  that  Con- 
gress would  be  always  happy  to  receive  his  senti- 
ments on  the  political  and  military  affairs  of  these 
States,  the  utility  of  which  they  have  on  so  many 
occasions  experienced." 

Until  this  period  the  deliberations  of  the  Ameri- 
can national  legislature  had  always  been  conducted 
with  closed  doors.  At  an  early  stage  of  our  coun 
try's  history,  this  precaution  had  been  judicious  and 
even  necessary ;  and  it  frequently  kept  important  in 
telligence  from  the  possession  of  the  enemy.  After 
the  termination  of  the  war  this  advantage  no  longer 
existed.  On  the  contrary,  other  preponderating 
disadvantages  operated  against  the  continuance  of 
the  usage.  The  deliberations  of  that  body  were 
rendered  liable  to  constant  misrepresentation.  The 
timid  viewed  Congress  as  the  theatre  only  for  the 
conflict  of  hostile  intrigues ;  and  the  influence  of  the 
great  deliberative  assembly  of  the  nation  had  on 
these  accounts  begun  perceptibly  to  decline.  Never- 
theless, the  judicious  exertions  of  Mr.  Hamilton  to 
change  the  prevalent  custom  at  that  time  failed. 
The  existing  prejudices  were  found  to  be  then  in- 
surmountable. The  delegate  from  Rhode  Island 
remarked  that  "if  the  member  from  New  York 
wished  to  display  his  eloquence,  he  might  address 
the  people  from  the  balcony."  Other  observations 


128  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

"of  a  similar  spirit  were  not  wanting  from  several  of 
the  representatives  from  other  States.  Hamilton 
was  compelled  reluctantly  to  abandon  a  reform 
which  subsequent  experience  has  proved  to  have 
been  most  judicious. 

Mr.  Hamilton  took  an  important  part  in  arranging 
the  preliminaries  of  peace  between  the  United 
States  and  England ;  and  in  establishing  that 
peace  on  terms  the  most  favorable  to  this  country. 
After  the  intelligence  of  the  signature  of  the  pre- 
liminary articles  had  been  received,  he  himself 
prepared  the  instrument  of  final  ratification.  To  his 
friend,  Mr.  Jay,  the  plenipotentiary  of  the  United 
States  to  the  Court  of  St.  James,  Mr.  Hamilton 
wrote  as  follows :  "  Though  I  have  not  performed 
my  promise  of  writing  to  you,  which  I  made  you 
when  you  left  this  country,  yet  I  have  not  the  less 
interested  myself  in  your  welfare  and  success.  I 
have  been  witness  with  pleasure  to  every  event 
which  has  had  a  tendency  to  advance  you  in  the  es- 
teem of  your  country,  and  I  may  assure  you  with 
sincerity  that  it  is  as  high  as  you  could  wish. 

"The  peace,  which  exceeds  in  the  goodness  of  its 
terms,  the  expectations  of  the  most  sanguine,  does 
the  highest  honor  to  those  who  made  it.  It  is  the 
more  agreeable,  as  the  time  was  come  when  think- 
ing men  began  to  be  seriously  alarmed  at  the  inter- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON'.  129 

nal  embarrassments  and  exhausted  state  of  this 
country. 

"  We  have  now  happily  concluded  the  great  work 
of  independence;  but  much  remains  to  be  done  to 
reap  the  fruits  of  it.  Our  prospects  are  not  flatter- 
ing. Every  day  proves  the  inefficiency  of  the  pre- 
sent confederation ;  yet  the  common  danger  being 
removed,  we  are  receding  instead  of  advancing  in  a 
disposition  to  amend  its  defects.  The  road  to  popu- 
larity in  each  State  is,  to  inspire  jealousies  of  the 
power  of  Congress ;  though  nothing  can  be  more 
apparent  than  that  they  have  no  power,  and  that 
for  the  want  of  it  the  resources  of  the  country,  during 
the  war,  could  not  be  drawn  out,  and  we  at  this  mo- 
ment experience  all  the  mischief  of  a  bankrupt 
and  ruined  credit.  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  when 
prejudice  and  folly  have  seen  themselves  out  of 
breath,  we  may  return  to  reason,  and  correct  our 
errors." 

Already  at  this  early  period  the  germ  of  that  evil 
had  taken  root,  which  was  calculated  to  weaken  the 
power  of  the  central  government,  and  which  has 
been  one  of  the  greatest  obstacles  with  which  the  ad- 
vancement of  this  confederacy  has  had  to  contend. 
In  reference  to  this  subject,  the  following  remarks 
of  Hamilton  are  here  not  inappropriate : 

"  Upon  my  first  going  into  Congress  I  discovered 


H'O  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

symptoms  of  a  party  too  well  disposed  to  subject 
the  interests  of  the  United  States  to  the  manage- 
ment of  France.  Though  I  felt  in  common  with 
those  who  had  participated  in  the  Revolution,  a  lively 
sentiment  of  good-will  toward  a  power  whose  co- 
operation, however  it  was  and  ought  to  have  been 
dictated  by  its .  own  interest,  had  been  extremely 
useful  to  us,  and  had  been  afforded  in  a  liberal  and 
handsome  manner.  Yet,  tenacious  of  the  real  in- 
dependence of  our  country,  and  dreading  the  pre- 
ponderance of  foreign  influence  as  the  natural  dis- 
ease of  popular  government,  I  was  struck  with 
disgust  at  the  appearance,  in  the  very  cradle  of  our 
republic,  of  a  party  actuated  by  an  undue  complai- 
sance to  a  foreign  power,  and  I  resolved  at  once  to 
resist  this  bias  in  our  affairs ;  a  resolution  which  has 
been  the  chief  cause  of  the  persecution  I  have  en- 
dured in  the  subsequent  stages  of  my  political 
life."* 

The  claims  of  the  army  and  the  officers  had  iiot 
yet  been  finally  settled.  The  Legislature  of  Massa- 
chusetts passed  a  resolution  declaring  that  justice 
had  not  been  done  in  the  passage  of  the  grant  of 
half  pay,  inasmuch  as  it  was  more  than  an  adequate 
reward  for  their  services,  and  inconsistent  with  that 

•  See  Life  of  Hamilton,  by  John  C.  Hamilton,  Vol.  II.  p.  152. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  131 

equality  which  ought  to  subsist  among  citizens  of 
free  and  republican  States;  and  that  it  tended  to 
exalt  some  citizens  in  wealth  and  grandeur  to  the 
injury  and  oppression  of  others.  The  army  had  not 
yet  been  disbanded ;  and  they  adopted  a  resolution 
on  the  15th  of  March,  1783,  to  the  effect  that  they 
entertained  the  fullest  confidence  in  the  justice  of 
Congress  and  their  country,  and  were  persuaded 
that  they  would  not  be  discharged  and  dismissed, 
until  their  claims  on  the  Federal  government  were 
settled. 

Congress  appointed  a  committee  to  report  on  this 
important  subject,  of  which  Mr.  Hamilton  was 
nominated  chairman.  Before  they  reported,  Hamil- 
ton addressed  a  communication  to  Washington  on 
the  subject,  desiring  his  advice.  The  great  difficulty 
was,  that  the  powers  which  Congress  then  possessed 
under  the  Articles  of  Confederation  of  1781,  did  not 
enable  or  permit  them  to  do  any  thing  more  than 
recommend  the  provision  of  funds  for  this  purpose 
to  the  respective  States  ;  and  it  was  already  apparent 
that  the  States  seemed  to  be  jealous  of  the  growing 
disposition  in  certain  quarters  to  invest  the  Federal 
Legislature  with  an  enlargement  of  their  preroga- 
tives. A  plan  had  been  devised  by  Hamilton  in- 
tended to  obviate  this  difficulty,  by  funding  the 
public  debt. 


132  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Hamilton  was  interested  in  behalf  of  the  army, 
lie  had  witnessed  its  prodigious  toils  and  sufferings 
during  the  protracted  struggle  which  had  just  ended. 
During  its  progress  sixty-six  battles  had  been  fought 
by  those  heroes,  whose  survivors  now  demanded  the 
payment  of  their  stipulated  wages.  Hamilton  was 
distressed  at  the  evidences  which  were  apparent, 
that  the  people  were  ungrateful  to  their  deliverers, 
and  were  disposed  to  withhold  the  means  necessary 
to  liquidate  these  claims.  He  concludes  his  letter 
to  "Washington  with  these  words:  "I  have  an  indif- 
ferent opinion  of  the  honesty  of  this  country,  and 
ill-forebodings  of  its  future  system.  Your  excel- 
lency will  perceive  I  have  written  with  sensations  of 
chagrin,  and  will  make  allowance  for  coloring,  but 
the  general  picture  is  too  true.  God  send  us  all 
more  wisdom." 

In  reply  to  this  letter  Washington  remarks :  "  I 
read  your  private  letter  of  the  25th  with  pain,  and 
contemplated  the  picture  it  had  drawn  with  aston- 
ishment and  horror.  But  I  will  yet  hope  for  the 
best.  The  idea  of  redress  by  force  is  too  chimerical 
to  have  had  a  place  in  the  imagination  of  any  seri- 
ous mind  in  this  army;  but  there  is  no  telling  what 
unhappy  disturbances  may  result  from  distress,  and 
distrust  of  justice ;  and  as  the  fears  and  jealousies 
of  the  army  are  alive,  I  hope  no  resolution  will  be 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  133 

come  to  for  disbanding  or  separating  the  lines,  till 
the  accounts  are  liquidated.  The  suspensions  of  the 
officers  are  afloat,  notwithstanding  the  resolutions 
which  have  passed  on  both  sides  ;  and  any  act  which 
can  be  construed  into  an  attempt  to  separate  them 
before  the  accounts  are  settled  will  convey  the  most 
unfavorable  ideas  of  the  rectitude  of  Congress; 
whether  well  or  ill  founded  matters  not,  the  conse- 
quences will  be  the  same."  Washington  then  pro- 
ceeds to  mention,  "  in  strict  confidence,"  a  scheme 
which  had  been  devised  secretly  to  make  the  oiH- 
cers  of  the  army  "  puppets  to  establish  continental 
funds." 

The  situation  of  Mr.  Hamilton  between  these  con- 
flicting parties  was  difficult  and  unpleasant.  In 
this  crisis  he  determined  to  use  his  utmost  efforts  to 
induce  Congress  to  comply  with  the  claims  of  the 
army,  and  to  prevail  upon  the  States  to  vest  in  Con- 
gress the  necessary  enlargement  of  their  power  so 
to  do,  in  order  that  the  public  faith,  which  he  justly 
denominated  the  "corner  stone  of  public  safety," 
might  be  preserved  unimpaired  and  unquestioned. 
In  the  end  his  labors  were  not  without  producing 
the  desired  result. 

In  April,  1783,  the  question  of  the  surrender  of 
prisoners  and  the  evacuation  of  the  military  posts 
came  np  for  final  settlement.  A  difficulty  arose  in 
12 


134  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Congress  as  to  whether  the  treaty  specifying  these 
points  meant  the  provisional  and  preliminary  treaty 
which  had  Ibeen  already  concluded,  and  whether 
these  measures  should  he  carried  out  immediately 
after  the  adoption  of  that  treaty;  or  whether  the 
final  and  definite  treaty  which  was  yet  to  be  con- 
summated was  the  one  intended.  Mr.  Hamilton 
suggested  the  propriety  of  the  latter  construction  ; 
inasmuch  as  he  held  it  injudicious  to  make  a  total 
restoration  of  prisoners  until  they  are  willing  to  fix 
the  precise  period  of  their  departure  from  the 
country.* 

Hamilton  was  chairman  of  the  committee  on 
peace  arrangements.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Robert 
Morris,  the  Superintendent  of  Finance,  he  proposed 
the  establishment  of  a  National  Marine,  in  accord- 
ance with  the  ideas  which  he  had  advanced  at  large 
in  the  Continentalist ;  inasmuch  as  to  a  commer- 
cial people  maritime  power  must  be  a  primary  object 
of  attention,  and  because  a  navy  cannot  be  created 
or  maintained  without  ample  resources.  He  also 
suggested  more  directly  and  minutely  the  establish- 
ment of  a  national  coinage.  His  views  on  the  lat- 
ter subject  were  original  and  profound ;  and  though 
he  had  but  recently  devoted  some  attention  to  tho 

•  See  the  Madison  Debates.  I.  pp.  443,  444. 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  135 

perusal  of  Adam  Smith's  Wealth  of  Nations,  and 
had  in  consequence  derived  no  small  advantage  from 
that  able  work,  yet  his  views  were  more  enlarged 
than  his,  and  much  better  adapted  to  the  peculiar 
situation  and  wants  of  the  country  as  it  then  existed, 
lie  prepared  and  submitted  to  Congress  a  catalogue 
of  the  proper  articles  for  taxation.  In  addition  to 
the  regular  impost,  he  proposed  a  graduated  house 
tax,  a  land  tax,  and  various  other  specific  taxes. 
His  arrangement  of  these  items  was  such  that  the 
easiest  taxes  fell  upon  articles  of  luxury,  and  the 
lightest  on  articles  of  necessity.  He  held  the  doc- 
trine that  the  genius  of  liberty  reprobates  every 
thing  in  taxation,  which  is  arbitrary,  discretionary, 
and  uncertain.  It  requires  that  every  man  should 
know  exactly  how  much,  by  the  operation  of  a  re- 
gular and  impartial  rule,  the  State  demands  of  his 
profits  and  his  substance  for  the  support  of  the 
great  ends  of  government. 

Hamilton  further  proposed,  that  the  States  should 
confer  on  the  federal  government  the  power  of 
levying,  for  the  use  of  the  United  States,  specific 
duties  on  certain  enumerated  imported  articles,  and 
a  duty  of  five  per  cent,  ad  valorem  upon  all  other 
goods,  excepting  arms,  ammunition,  clothing,  and 
articles  imported  for  the  use  of  the  United  States. 
He  proposed  that  these  duties  should  be  applied  to 


136  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES 

the  discharge  only  of  the  interest  or  principal  of 
the  debts  contracted  for  the  support  of  the  war, 
and  to  be  continued  for  twenty-five  years.  The 
collectors  were  to  be  appointed  by  the  States,  but 
were  to  be  amenable  to  Congress  alone.  If  no 
State  made  an  appointment  of  collectors  within  a 
certain  time,  then  Congress  should  themselves  ap- 
point. He  suggested  such  an  amendment  to  the 
Articles  of  Confederation,  as  would  provide  that  all 
public  charges  and  expenses  should  be  defrayed 
out  of  a  common,  treasury,  to  be  supplied  by  the 
States,  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  inhabitants 
of  every  age,  sex,  and  condition,  excepting  Indiana 
not  paying  taxes  in  each  State,  according  to  the 
laws  of  each  State.  These  resolutions,  when  ac- 
ceded to  by  every  State,  were  to  form  an  irrevoca- 
ble and  independent  compact,  without  the  concur- 
rence of  all  the  States,  or  a  majority  of  the  States 
represented  in  Congress.  He  also  proposed  that 
wool-cards,  cotton-cards,  and  the  wire  for  making 
them,  should  be  exempt  from  taxation,  in  order 
the  more  effectually  to  promote  domestic  industry. 
Congress  eventually  adopted  his  suggestions,  Mas- 
sachusetts and  Rhode  Island  alone  objecting. 

At  this  period  Mr.  Morris,  the  Superintendent 
of  Finances,  threatened  to  resign  his  office.  The 
possibility  of  such  an  event  afflicted  Hamilton,  who 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  137 

well  knew  the  great  value  of  that  officer's  services 
to  the  country.  After  the  passage  of  the  revenue 
bill,  a  committee  was  appointed  of  whom  Hamil- 
ton was  one,  to  confer  with  him  on  the  subject. 
The  reasons  which  Mr.  Morris  gave  for  his  intended 
course  were  the  continued  refusal  of  Congress  to 
make  an  effectual  provision  to  liquidate  the  public 
debts,  and  the  probability  which  impended  there- 
from, that  his  administration  would  end  in  dis- 
grace ;  and  that  the  overthrow  of  the  national  credit 
and  the  ruin  of  his  private  fortune  would  ensue, 
Congress  finally  passed  a  resolution,  after  the  re- 
port of  the  committee  had  been  received,  to  the 
effect  that  the  public  service  required  that  Mr.  Mor- 
ris should  remain  in  office  until  the  reduction  of 
the  army,  and  the  completion  of  the  financial  ar- 
rangements connected  with  it. 

Important  labors  now  occupied  the  attention  of 
Hamilton  as  chairman  of  the  military  committee. 
On  May  1st,  1783,  he  submitted  a  report,  propos- 
ing the  reduction  of  the  corps  of  invalids.  It  pro- 
vided full  pay  for  life  to  all  those  officers  who  were 
seriously  disabled.  It  proposed  the  establishment 
of  a  hospital  for  all  the  non-commissioned  officers 
and  soldiers  who  were  proper  inmates  for  it,  to  be 
there  supported  for  life,  providing  them  also  with 
rations  and  clothing.  In  order  more  effectually  to 
1-2* 


138  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

accomplish  these  desirable  results,  Hamilton  of 
fered  a  resolution  which  contained  the  following 
considerations  : — It  asserted  "  the  indispensable  ne- 
cessity of  making  the  army,  when  reduced,  an  ad 
vance  of  pay  before  they  leave  the  field;  and  as 
there  are  many  other  engagements  for  which  the 
public  faith  is  pledged,  that  the  States  be  called 
upon,  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  to  make  every 
effort  for  the  collection  of  taxes ;  and  that  Congress 
confidently  rely,  for  an  immediate  and  efficacious 
attention  to  the  present  requisition,  upon  the  dis- 
position of  their  constituents,  not  only  to  do  justice 
to  those  brave  men  who  have  suffered  and  sacri- 
ficed so  much  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  and 
whose  distresses  must  be  extreme,  should  they  be 
sent  from  the  field  without  a  payment  of  a  part  of 
their  well-earned  dues ;  but  also  to  enable  Congress 
to  maintain  the  faith  and  reputation  of  the  United 
States,  both  which  are  seriously  concerned  in  re- 
lieving the  necessities  of  a  meritorious  army  and 
fulfilling  the  public  stipulations.  That  the  Super- 
intendent of  Finance  be  directed  to  make  the  ne- 
cessary arrangements  for  carrying  the  views  of  Con- 
gress in  execution ;  and  that  he  be  assured  of  their 
firm  support  towards  fulfilling  the  engagements  he 
has  already  taken  or  may  take  on  the  public  ac- 
count during  his  continuance  in  office ;  and  that  a 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  139 

further  application  should  be  made  to  the  king  of 
France  of  an  additional  loan  of  three  millions  of 
livres." 

Anxious  that  no  effort  should  be  omitted  for  the 
fulfillment  of  the  pledges  given  by  Congress  to  ap- 
portion to  the  troops  specific  quantities  of  land,  he 
prepared  a  resolution  "that  a  committee  should  be 
appointed  to  consider  of  the  best  manner  of  carrying 
into  execution  the  engagements  of  the  United 
States  for  certain  allowances  of  land  to  the  army  at 
the  conclusion  of  the  war."  This  subject  was  re- 
ferred to  a  committee  for  consideration.  After  its 
deliberations  were  concluded,  Hamilton  drew  up  a 
report,  which  was  adopted.  It  provided  that  until 
the  lands  granted  by  Congress  should  be  located 
and  surveyed,  certificates  should  be  given  to  the 
officers  and  soldiers  as  evidences  of  their  claims, 
and  to  the  legal  representatives  of  those  who  had 
fallen  during  the  war.  Congress  at  length  began 
to  entertain  the  same  apprehensions  which  afilicted 
Washington ;  and  a  resolution  was  offered  to  dis- 
charge that  part  of  the  army  which  had  been  en- 
listed for  service  during  the  war.  Hamilton  pro- 
posed as  a  substitute,  that  the  commander-in-chief 
be  instructed  to  grant  furloughs  to  those  soldiers 
who  had  enlisted  for  the  war,  with  an  assurance  of 
their  permanent  discharge  immediately  after  the 


140  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

conclusion  of  the  definitive  treaty,  and  that  they 
should  then  be  conducted  to  their  homes  in  a  man- 
ner most  convenient  to  themselves,  and  that  they 
should  be  allowed  to  retain  their  arms  which, 
though  the  property  of  the  State,  had  become  en- 
deared to  them  as  mementos  of  their  past  services. 

The  attention  of  this  great  statesman — whose 
capacious  and  vigilant  mind  seemed  to  grasp  intui- 
tively all  the  multiform  interests  and  wants  of  the 
nation  then  struggling  into  political  existence,  and 
who,  at  this  early  age  of  twenty-six,  displayed  a 
profundity  and  universality  of  mind  unequalled 
in  the  whole  history  of  statesmen — was  turned 
to  the  removal  of  all  the  obstacles  which  still 
impeded  the  execution  of  the  treaty  with  Eng- 
land ;  and  to  measures  intended  to  secure  the  fron- 
tiers of  the  United  States.  And  in  order  to  pre- 
vent any  infractions  of  the  treaty  by  the  United 
States,  he  introduced  a  resolution  requiring  the  re- 
moval of  all  obstructions  to  the  recovery  of  debts, 
the  restitution  of  all  confiscated  property  on  re- 
ceiving an' -  equivalent,  and  the  future  disconti- 
nuance of  all  confiscations,  as  being  in  harmony 
with  that  spirit  of  moderation  and  liberality  which 
ought  ever  to  characterize  the  deliberations  and 
measures  of  a  free  and  enlightened  people. 

In  the  performance  of  his  duties  as  chairman  of  the 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  141 

military  committee,  Hamilton  undertook  to  remedy 
the  existing  evils  in  the  Quartermaster  General'8 
department.  He  saw  and  felt  the  difficulties  which 
attended  the  proper  establishment  of  military  sup- 
plies. He  proposed  that  that  officer  should  be  in- 
trusted with  the  appointment  of  all  the  sub-officers 
of  that  department;  that  he  should  give  them  their 
designations;  that  he  should  apportion  their  pay; 
and  that  he  should  specify  the  means  of  transpor- 
tation to  be  allowed  to  each  rank  in  the  army,  and 
their  respective  amount  of  forage  and  subsistence. 

As  chairman  of  the  committee  on  peace  arrange- 
ments, he  prepared  a  report  in  reference  to  the  de- 
partment of  foreign  affairs.  It  provided  that  the 
secretary  of  that  department  should  occupy  the 
position  of  chief  of  the  diplomatic  corps.  It  as- 
serted that  it  was  his  duty  to  lay  before  Congress 
such  plans  for  conducting  the  political  and  commer- 
cial intercourse  of  the  United  States  with  foreign 
powers  as  might  appear  to  him  to  be  best  adapted 
to  promote  their  interests.  It  allowed  him  the 
same  salary  as  was  provided  for  a  minister  to  a 
foreign  court;  and  permitted  him  to  have  an  official 
secretary  to  be  nominated  by  himself,  who  was  to 
receive  the  same  compensation  as  the  secretary  of 
an  embassy.  The  report  also  specified  the  salary 
of  each  minister,  and  declared  him  to  be  possessed 


142  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  consular  powers  in  the  country  in  which  he  re- 
sided, and  as  having  full  control  over  all  vice-con- 
suls and  commercial  agents.  Vice-consuls  were  to 
be  appointed  without  salaries,  and  to  be  permitted 
to  engage  in  trade. 

The  ideas  of  Mr.  Hamilton  in  reference  to  a  peace 
establishment,  may  be  inferred  from  the  following 
provisions  contained  in  his  report  on  that  subject. 
He  recommended  an  armament  in  each  State,  con- 
sisting of  four  regiments  of  infantry  and  one  of  artil- 
lery, with  two  additional  battalions,  to  be  incorpo- 
rated in  a  corps  of  engineers,  and  a  regiment  of 
dragoons.  He  proposed  that  the  States  should 
intrust  to  Congress  the  right  to  appoint  the  regi- 
mental officers;  and  he  suggested  that  no  officer 
should  consider  it  a  violation  of  his  rights,  if  any 
other  officer,  who  has  had  an  opportunity  to  dis- 
tinguish himself,  and  has  done  so,  should  receive 
an  extra  promotion  on  that  account.  He  recom- 
mended the  appointment  of  an  agent  of  marine,  to 
prepare  the  way  for  the  future  erection  of  maritime 
fortifications ;  to  obtain  information  in  reference  to 
the  establishment  of  ports,  and  the  formation  of  a 
navy.  He  suggested  the  building  of  arsenals,  and 
the  manufacture  of  such  articles  as  were  necessary 
for  military  operations,  sufficient  to  equip  ninety  thou- 
sand men.  He  named  Springfield,  "West  Point, 


OF  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  143 

and  Camclen,  as  suitable  places  of  deposit.  The 
details  of  a  general  hospital  for  invalid  soldiers 
were  also  given.  He  proposed  the  appointment 
of  a  military  board  to  revise  the  regulations  and 
digest  a  general  ordinance  for  service  of  the  troops 
of  the  United  States,  and  another  for  the  service  of 
the  militia. 

The  deliberations  of  Congress  were  at  this  crisis 
interrupted  by  an  unexpected  occurrence,  which, 
at  that  critical  period  of  our  national  history  might 
have  led  to  the  most  serious  results. 

The  old  levies  of  the  Continental  army  had 
quietly  disbanded  and  returned  home,  satisfied  with 
the  poor  and  inadequate  provision  which  Congress 
had  made  for  the  payment  of  the  sums  which  were 
due  them  at  the  termination  of  the  war.  The  new 
levies,  many  of  whom  had  never  seen  a  battle,  were 
neither  so  patriotic  nor  so  reasonable.  A  portion 
of  these  were  stationed  in  the  barracks  at  Phila- 
delphia and  Lancaster.  They  refused  to  accept 
their  discharges,  without  immediate  payment.  They 
presented  a  petition  to  Congress  stating  that  fact. 
Congress  took  no  notice  of  it.  The  insurgents  from 
Lancaster  marched  to  Philadelphia,  and  great  fears 
were  entertained  that  the  bank  would  be  attacked, 
and  that  plunder  and  rapine  would  ensue.  Con- 
gress removed  to  Princeton,  and  ordered  General 


144  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

St.  Glair  to  inform  the  malecontents  that  if  they  re- 
turned to  Lancaster,  their  demands  would  be  com 
plied  with.  They  refused  to  do  so.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  induce  the  executive  of  Pennsylvania 
to  call  out  the  militia  to  preserve  the  public  peace. 
He  declined.  Congress  then  ordered  General  Howe 
to  march  to  Philadelphia  to  disarm  the  insurgents, 
and  to  bring  their  leaders  to  trial.  These  decisive 
measures  were  found  to  be  effectual ;  and  the  rebel- 
lion was  quickly  quelled.  Hamilton  was  the  chair- 
man of  the  committee  which  waited  on  the  execu- 
tive of  Pennsylvania ;  and  to  his  suggestions  the  final 
establishment  of  tranquillity  and  order  was  in  a  great 
measure  attributable.  This  labor  concluded  his 
public  services,  during  the  eight  months  of  his  con- 
nection with  this  important  session  of  Congress/ 

Before  the  adjourment  of  this  Congress  Hamil- 
ton had  prepared  a  series  of  resolutions,  in  view  of 
the  existing  defects  of  the  Confederation,  by  whioh 
Congress  invited  the  attention  of  the  States  to  the 
necessity  of  a  revisal  and  amendment  of  it.  These 
resolutions  earnestly  recommended  to  the  several 
States  to  appoint  a  convention,  with  full  powers  to 
revise  the  Confederation,  and  to  adopt  and  propose 
such  alterations  as  to  them  should  seem  necessary, 
to  be  finally  approved  or  rejected  by  the  States  re- 
spectively; and  that  a  committee  be  appointed  to 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  145 

prepare  an  address  on  the  subject.  But  after  ma- 
ture consultation  with,  his  friends  in  Congress,  he 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  the  movement  was 
premature,  and  that  the  people  and  their  represen- 
tatives were  not  yet  prepared  for  so  important  and 
vital  a  proposition.  Yet  this  suggestion  of  Hamilton 
became  eventually  the  initiatory  idea  of  that  mag- 
nificent fabric  of  a  general  government,  whose 
splendid  and  harmonious  proportions  now  adorn 
the  land  of  the  Revolution;  which  now  embraces 
within  its  capacious  arms  the  inhabitants  of  a  vast 
continent,  and  is  the  nursing  mother  to  the  freest 
and  most  prosperous  government  and  people  on  the 
globe  ! 

13 


14G  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER  VII. 

HAMILTON  RETURNS  TO  ALBANY — RESUMES  THE  PRACTICE  OF  THE  LAW— 
PARTICULARS  RESPECTING  HIS  FIRST  CASK — HIS  FOKENSIO  LEARNING 
AND  ELOQUF.NCE — HIS  PUBLICATION  OF  "  PHOCION" — ITS  EFFECTS — • 
HE  DRAFTS  THK  CONSTITUTION  OF  THB  BANE  OF  NEW  YORK — HAMIL- 
TON'S VIEWS  ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF  AMERICAN  SLAVERY — HIS  CONDUCT 
IN  REFERENCE  TO  A  SLAVE — LAFAYETTE'S  OPINIONS  ON  THE  SAMB 
8C  EJECT. 

AFTER  the  adjournment  of  Congress  Hamilton 
retired,  in  October,  1783,  to  his  family  at  Albany. 
His  career  in  the  National  Legislature  had  covered 
him  with  glory.  His  abilities  had  there  outshone 
all  his  associates,  both  as  an  orator,  as  a  statesman, 
as  a  financier,  as  a  writer,  and  as  a  publicist.  He 
may  without  the  least  exaggeration  be  termed  a 
prodigy ;  especially  when  his  career  is  viewed  with 
reference  to  his  youthful  age,  and  to  the  small  pro- 
portion of  ^preliminary  instruction  which  he  had 
enjoyed.  At  the  age  of  twenty-six  he  had  been 
the  leading  spirit,  the  commanding  genius,  of  the 
great  American  Continental  Congress!  And  this 
rare  and  remarkable  pre-eminence  had  been  willingly 
and  not  grudgingly  assigned  him  by  the  aged  fa- 
thers of  the  Republic,  who  saw  with  pride  and 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON*.  147 

without  envy  the  splendid  superiority  of  their 
youthful  associate,  and  were  anxious  to  appropriate 
them  to  the  service  of  their  common  country.  He 
had  long  possessed  the  full  confidence  of  "Washing, 
ton.  He  had  now  secured  the  admiration  and  es- 
teem of  both  the  nation  and  of  their  chosen  repre- 
sentatives. 

It  was  the  purpose  of  Hamilton  on  returning  to 
Albany,  to  retire  from  the  cares  of  political  life, 
and  devote  himself  entirely  to  the  profession  which 
he  had  chosen.  From  Albany  he  intended,  imme- 
diately after  the  evacuation  of  New  York  by  the 
British,  to  remove  thither.  lie  did  so  in  November, 
1783.  Before  leaving  Philadelphia,  he  had  written 
to  his  wife  with  his  usual  ardor  and  affection :  "  I 
give  you  joy  of  the  happy  conclusion  of  this  im- 
portant work  in  which  your  country  has  been  en- 
gaged. Now,  in  a  very  short  time,  I  hope  we  shall 
be  happily  settled  in  New  York.  My  love  to  your 
father.  Kiss  my  boy  a  thousand  times.  A  thou- 
sand loves  to  yourself."  Such  were  the  domestic 
feelings  of  the  great  master  intellect  of  the  revolu- 
tionary era  of  American  history  ! 

It  may  readily  be  supposed  that  the  national  fame 
which  Hamilton  had  already  acquired,  together  with 
his  own  indomitable  industry  and  his  transcendent 
abilities,  would  soon  procure  for  him  a  large  and 


148  THE    LIFE    AXD   TIMES 

lucrative  practice  in  the  legal  profession.  Such  was 
the  fact.  During  five  years  he  devoted  himself  in  a 
very  considerable  degree  to  his  professional  duties, 
and  he  very  soon  acquired  a  high  fame  as  an  advo- 
cate. The  richness  of  his  mind  prevented  him  from 
becoming  a  mere  case-lawyer.  He  did  not  convert 
his  memory  into  a  lumbering  depository  of  prece- 
dents. Yet  he  was  familiar  with  the  principles  of 
the  science ;  and  this  knowledge,  together  with  his 
rare  eloquence,  his  vigorous  logic,  his  persuasive 
and  attractive  manner,  rendered  him  the  most 
efficient  and  popular  advocate  at  the  New  York 
bar,  with  the  exception  of  Aaron  Burr  alone.  That 
great,  bad  man,  with  the  candor  which  usually  at- 
tends true  genius,  acknowledged  the  superior  talents 
and  eloquence  of  his  rival ;  and  frequently  spoke  of 
him  as  a  man  of  fertile  imagination  and  a  powerful 
declaimer.* 

The  very  first  case  in  which  Hamilton  was  era- 
ployed  was  one  of  more  than  ordinary  interest. 
It  was  tried  in  the  Mayor's  Court  of  New  York. 
The  suit  was  brought  to  recover  the  rents,  issues, 
and  profits  of  property  which  was  held  by  the 
defendant  under  an  order  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton ; 
and  was  founded  on  what  was  known  as  the  Tres 

•  See  Memoirs  of  Aaron  Burr,  by  M.  L.  Davis,  Vol.  II.  p.  22. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  149 

pass  Act.  This  act  allowed  suits  to  be  brought  by 
persons  who  had  deserted  their  residences  in  conse- 
quence of  the  invasion  of  the  British,  against  those 
who  had  occupied  them  during  the  war ;  and  took 
away  the  plea,  in  defense  of  that  occupancy,  that 
they  were  authorized  by  a  military  order.  The  de- 
fense contended  that  the  present  case  was  not  with- 
in the  statute  ;  that  the  suit  was  barred  by  the  laws 
of  nations ;  and  that  the  recent  treaty  extinguished 
the  right  of  action  given  by  the  statute. 

This  suit  possessed  great  interest  inasmuch  as  its 
decision,  immediate  or  final,  would  decide  the  fate 
of  other  property  to  an  immense  amount.  It  was  con- 
tended that  the  national  faith  and  honor  were  in- 
volved in  the  issue.  It  would  determine  whether 
the  State  tribunals  wrould  recognize  the  laws  of 
nations  and  of  the  confederacy  as  the  rule  of  their 
decisions,  when  these  came  in  conflict  with  a  mere 
local  statute.  The  parties  to  the  present  cause  were, 
as  plaintiff,  a  fugitive  and  exile,  a  poor  American 
widow,  whose  whole  worldly  wealth  was  involved 
in  the  issue ;  and  a  defendant,  a  rich  English  mer- 
chant, and  a  partisan  of  the  British  king.  The 
cause  was  tried  while  party  spirit  still  ran  high,  in  a 
court-room  which  itself  bore  evidences  of  the  recent 
occupancy  of  a  brutal  and  savage  foreign  soldiery. 
The  attorney-general  appeared  for  the  plaintiff,  and 


150  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 

in  behalf  of  the  State  authority.  Mr.  Hamilton 
had  been  retained  by  the  aristocratic  and  detested 
foreigner. 

Never  did  an  advocate  defend  a  more  unpopular 
cause.  Yet  never  did  an  advocate  display  more 
eloquence,  more  ingenuity,  more  ability.  Ilamilton 
began  by  asserting  that  the  position  of  the  respec- 
tive parties  to  the  suit,  whether  rich  or  poor,  was  an 
indifferent  inquiry.  He  looked  only  at  the  abstract 
justice  of  the  case.  He  dwelt  eloquently  upon  the 
importance  of  the  principle  at  issue.  He  declared 
that  the  decision  would  affect  the  reputation  of  the 
young  Republic  in  the  distant  nations  of  Europe, 
who  had  just  learned  with  surprise  and  perhaps  with 
envy,  of  the  establishment  of  the  liberties  and  the 
vindication  of  the  glory  of  the  American  name.  It 
would  decide  the  future  complexion  of  our  jurispru- 
dence. It  was  the  first  case  of  the  kind,  and  would 
form  the  precedent  of  hundreds  to  come,  which 
would  hereafter  determine  the  destination  of  mil- 
lions of  property. 

He  then  asserted  that  the  laws  of  nations,  and  the 
laws  of  war,  form  part  of  and  were  recognized  by 
the  Common  Law  of  England.  He  stated  the  two 
great  divisions  of  the  laws  of  nations,  the  internal, 
binding  on  the  consciences  of  nations ;  the  external, 
controlled  by  positive  enactments;  the  former  in- 


OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON.          151 

voluntary,  the  second  voluntary  and  arbitrary.  He 
proceeded  to  define  the  proper  method  of  the  con- 
struction of  statutes,  and  applied  the  principle  con- 
tended for  to  that  case.  He  went  into  an  examina- 
tion of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  court ;  and  explained 
the  distinctions  which  were  to  be  allowed  between  a 
citizen  and  a  British  subject  in  the  United  States, 
who  claimed  the  protection  of  international  law. 
He  concluded  with  a  bold  exposure  of  the  fraud  and 
injustice  of  the  plaintiff's  demand,  and  with  an 
effective  appeal  to  preserve  the  faith  and  honor  of 
the  nation,  thus  pledged  in  the  articles  of  peace  to 
those  who  held  titles  to  property  obtained  during 
the  foreign  occupancy  of  the  city.  He  concluded 
not  unfitly  with  Seneca's  well  known  maxim  :  "Fides 
isanctijicissimum  liumani  pectores  bonum  est." 

The  logic  and  eloquence  of  Hamilton  won  the  day, 
notwithstanding  that  a  powerful  current  of  popular 
prejudice  ran  against  his  cause.  A  decision  was 
entered  in  favor  of  the  defendant.  The  court  also 
ruled  that  "  our  Union  is  known  and  legalized  in 
our  Constitution,  and  adopted  as  a  fundamental 
law  in  the  first  act  of  our  legislature.  The  federal 
compact  has  vested  Congress  with  full  and  exclusive 
powers  to  make  peace  and  war.  This  treaty  they 
have  made  and  ratified,  and  rendered  its  obligation 
perpetual;  and  we  are  clearly  of  opinion  that  no 


152  THE   LIFE   AKD   TIMES 

State  in  this  Union  can  alter  or  abridge,  in  a  single 
point,  the  Federal  Articles  or  the  Treaty." 

Although  the  learning  and  ability  of  the  defen- 
dant's advocate  could  convince  the  court,  it  could 
not  overpower  the  force  of  popular  prejudice.  A 
town  meeting  was  called,  which,  while  compliment- 
ing Hamilton  for  the  ability  displayed  by  him  in 
the  conduct  of  the  cause,  proceeded  to  stigmatize  the 
decision  of  the  court  as  having  a  tendency  to  curtail 
the  liberties  of  the  people  ;  asserting  that  if  their  in- 
dependence was  worth  fighting  for  to  obtain,  it  was 
worth  contending  for  to  perpetuate.  The  legisla- 
ture were  memorialized  on  the  subject;  and  that 
subservient  body  decreed  that  the  court's  decision 
was  subversive  of  all  law  and  order,  and  that  here- 
after such  men  only  should  be  appointed  as  judges 
who  would  administer  the  laws  fearlessly,  intelli- 
gently, and  justly. 

The  result  of  this  his  first  cause  was  to  elevate 
Hamilton  very  greatly  in  public  estimation  as  an  ad- 
vocate. The  more  wealthy  portions  of  the  citizens 
regarded  hrs.  course  with  great  favor;  and  very  soon 
their  approval  took  substantial  forms  of  patronage, 
by  intrusting  to  his  care  their  commercial  interests, 
when  litigated  in  courts  of  justice. 

The  excitement  produced  by  the  trial  of  this  im- 
portant case  long  continued  to  agitate  the  commu- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  158 

nity.  Hamilton  thought  it  advisable  to  publish  a 
labored  argument  on  the  principles  involved  in  the 
case ;  and  it  appeared  under  the  title  of  "Phocion." 
This  production,  written  with  his  usual  ability,  con- 
tains an  earnest  appeal  to  the  friends  of  liberty,  and 
to  the  true  Whigs,  on  the  enormity  of  recent  laws 
passed  by  men  who  were  bent  on  mischief,  who 
were  practising  on  the  passions  of  the  people,  and 
•who  were  propagating  the  most  inflammatory  and 
pernicious  doctrines.  This  production  appeared  in 
1784,  when  the  author  was  twenty-seven  years  of 
age.*  It  was  eagerly  read  throughout  the  whole 
country,  and  was  republished  in  London.  It  drew 
forth  many  answers.  One  alone  was  worthy  of 
notice  ;  and  it  was  signed  "Mentor."  To  this  Hamil- 
ton rejoined  in  a  production  entitled :  "  Phocion's 
Second  Letter,  containing  Kemarks  on  Mentor's 
Reply." 

An  idea  of  the  style  and  spirit  of  this  celebrated 
production  may  be  formed  from  the  following  ex- 
tract. The  clearness,  force  and  beauty  of  his  com- 
position will  strike  every  appreciative  reader. 

"  The  body  of  the  people  of  this  State  are  too 
firmly  attached  to  the  democracy,  to  permit  the 
principles  of  a  small  number  to  give  a  different  tone 

*  See  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  edited  by  John  C.  Hamilton, 
Vol.  II.  p.  400. 


154  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

to  tliat  spirit.  The  present  law  of  inheritance,  making 
an  equal  division  among  the  children  of  the  parents' 
property,  will  soon  melt  down  those  great  estates, 
which,  if  they  continued,  might  favor  the  power  of 
the  few.  The  number  of  the  disaffected,  who  are 
so  from  speculative  notions  of  government,  is  small. 
The  great  majority  of  those  who' took  part  against 
us,  did  it  from  accident,  from  the  dread  of  the 
British  power,  and  from  the  influence  of  others  to 
whom  they  had  been  accustomed  to  look  up.  Most 
of  the  men  who  had  that  kind  of  influence  are 
already  gone.  The  residue  and  their  adherents 
must  be  carried  along  by  the  torrent,  and  with  veiy 
few  exceptions,  if  the  government  is  mild  and  just, 
will  soon  come  to  view  it  with  approbation  and 
attachment.  There  is  a  bigotry  in  politics  as  well 
as  in  religion,  equally  pernicious  to  both.  The 
zealots  of  either  description  are  ignorant  of  the  ad- 
vantage of  a  spirit  of  toleration.  It  is  remarkable, 
though  not  extraordinary,  that  those  characters, 
throughout  the  States,  who  have  been  principally 
instrumental  in  the  Eevolution,  are  the  most  opposed 
to  persecuting  measures.  Were  it  proper,  I  might 
trace  the  truth  of  this  remark,  from  that  character 
which  has  been  the  first  in  conspicuousness,  through 
the  several  gradations  of  those,  with  very  few  ex- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  155 

ceptions,  who  either  in  the  civil  or  military  line 
have  borne  a  distinguished  part." 

He  concludes  as  follows  : 

"  Those  who  are  at  present  intrusted  with  power 
in  all  these  infant  republics,  hold  the  most  sacred 
deposit  that  ever  was  confided  to  human  hands.  It 
is  with  governments  as  with  individuals,  first  im- 
pressions and  early  habits  give  a  lasting  bias  to  the 
temper  and  character.  Our  governments  hitherto 
have  no  habits.  How  important  to  the  happiness, 
not  of  America  alone,  but  of  mankind,  that  they 
should  acquire  good  ones  !  If  we  set  out  with  jus- 
tice, moderation,  liberality,  and  a  scrupulous  regard 
to  the  constitution,  the  government  will  acquire  a 
spirit  and  tone  productive  of  permanent  blessings 
to  the  community.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  public 
councils  are  guided  by  humor,  passion,  and  preju- 
dice— if,  from  resentment  to  individuals  or  a  dread 
of  partial  inconveniences,  the  constitution  is  slighted 
or  explained  away  upon  every  frivolous  pretext — the 
future  spirit  of  government  will  be  feeble,  distracted, 
and  arbitrary.  The  rights  of  the  subject  will  be  the 
sport  of  every  vicissitude.  There  will  be  no  set- 
tled rule  of  conduct,  but  every  thing  will  fluctuate 
with  the  alternate  prevalency  of  contending  fac- 
tions. 

"  The  world  has  its  eye  upon  America.     The  no- 


156  THE  LIFE  AND   TIMES 

ble  struggle  we  have  made  in  the  cause  of  liberty, 
has  occasioned  a  kind  of  revolution  in  human  senti- 
ment. The  influence  of  our  example  has  penetrated 
the  gloomy  regions  of  despotism,  and  has  pointed 
the  way  to  inquiries  which  may  shake  it  to  its  deep- 
est foundations.  Men  begin  to  ask  every  where, 
'  Who  is  this  tyrant,  that  dares  to  ljuilt  his  greatness 
on  our  misery  and  degradation  ?  What  commis- 
sion has  he  to  sacrifice  millions  to  the  wanton  appe- 
tites of  himself  and  the  few  minions  that  surround 
his  throne  ?' 

"  To  ripen  inquiry  into  action,  it  remains  for  us  to 
justify  the  Revolution  by  its  fruits.  If  the  conse- 
quences prove  that  we  have  really  asserted  the  cause 
of  human  happiness,  what  may  not  be  expected 
from  so  illustrious  an  example  ?  In  a  greater  or  less 
degree,  the  world  will  bless  and  imitate. 

"But  if  experience,  in  this  instance,  verifies  the 
lesson  long  taught  by  the  enemies  of  liberty — that 
the  b-ulk  of  mankind  are  not  fit  to  govern  them- 
selves— that  they  must  have  a  master,  and  were  only 
made  for  the-  rein  and  the  spur — we  shall  then  see 
the  final  triumph  of  despotism  over  liberty.  The 
advocates  of  the  latter  must  acknowledge  it  to  be  an 
ignis  fatuus  and  abandon  the  pursuit.  With  the 
-greatest  advantages  for  promoting  it  that  ever  a 
people  had,  we  shall  have  betrayed  the  cause,  of  human 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  157 

nature!  Let  those  in  whose  hands  it  is  placed, 
pause  for  a  moment,  and  contemplate  with  an  eye 
of  reverence  the  vast  trust  committed  to  them.  Let 
them  retire  into  their  own  bosoms  and  examine  the 
motives  which  there  prevail.  Let  them  ask  them- 
selves this  solemn  question — Is  the  sacrifice  of  a 
few  mistaken  or  criminal  individuals  an  ohject 
worthy  of  the  shifts  to  which  we  are  reduced  to 
evade  the  constitution  and  our  national  engage- 
ments ?  Then  let  them  review  the  arguments  that 
have  been  offered  with  dispassionate  candor,  and  if 
they  even  doubt  the  propriety  of  the  measures  they 
may  be  about  to  adopt,  let  them  remember  that  in  a 
doubtful  case  the  constitution  ought  never  to  be 
hazarded  without  extreme  necessity." 

So  effectively  did  "  Phocion"  tell  on  the  feelings 
and  interests  of  the  opponents  of  Hamilton,  that  the 
most  furious  animosity  was  aroused  against  him. 
An  association  of  these  men  formed  themselves  into 
a  club,  and  at  one  of  their  secret  meetings  they  re- 
solved that  Hamilton  should  be  challenged,  and 
that  in  case  the  first  challenger  should  fall,  the 
whole  club  would  challenge  him  in  succession, 
should  it  be  necessary,  in  order  to  compass  his 
death.  But  one  member  opposed  this  infamous 
proposition  ;  and  that  member  was  "  Mentor."  The 
individual  who  had  assumed  this  pseudonym  wua 
14  • 


158  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

named  Isaac  Ledgard,  and  lie  at  once  bad  the  honor 
and  magnanimity  to  declare :  "  This,  gentlemen, 
cannot  be.  What  ?  You  write  what  you  please ;  and 
because  you  cannot  refute  what  he  writes  in  reply, 
you  form  a  combination  to  take  his  life."  The  pro- 
position was  at  length  abandoned.  Some  time  after- 
ward Hamilton,  who  had  heard  of  this  conspiracy 
and  its  defeat,  dined  in  company  with  Ledgard. 
Hearing  him  addressed  as  "Mentor,"  Hamilton  im- 
mediately arose  and  taking  him  by  the  hand  said : 
"  Then  you,  my  dear  sir,  are  the  friend  who  saved 
my  life."  Ledgard  replied:  "That,  you  know,  is 
what  you  did  for  me." 

Although  Hamilton  was  at  this  period  deeply  en- 
gaged in  his  professional  pursuits,  he  found  time  to 
direct  his  attention  to  the  financial  interests  of  his 
own  State.  The  operation  of  the  Bank  of  North 
America  having  given  much  dissatisfaction  even  to 
its  friends,  the  establishment  of  a  Bank  of  New 
York  was  proposed,  and  its  plan  submitted  to  the 
examination  of  Hamilton.  While  this  enterprise  was 
tinder  consideration,  the  plan  of  a  Land  Bank  was 
devised  by  Chancellor  Livingston,  and  a  petition  was 
offered  to  the  legislature  for  a  charter.  This  was  a 
dangerous  and  objectionable  scheme,  but  one  which, 
seemed  to  obtain  much  favor  with  the  people. 
They  rashly  supposed  that  it  would  be  a  veritable 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  159 

"philosopher's  stone,"  and  turn  rocks,  earth,  and 
trees  into  gold. 

The  constitution  of  the  Bank  of  New  York  which 
Hamilton  drew  up  was  adopted ;  half  a  million  of 
dollars  were  subscribed  at  a  single  meeting;  and 
he  was  chosen  one  of  its  directors,  and  ap- 
pointed chairman  of  the  committee  to  prepare  its 
by-laws. 

At  that  early  period  of  the  history  of  the  Ame- 
rican Confederacy,  the  subject  of  negro  slavery 
had  not  attracted  a  large  degree  of  attention,  or 
possessed  a  vital  interest.  A  single  instance  only 
is  recorded  in  the  life  of  Hamilton,  in  which  he 
came  personally  and  directly  in  contact  with  the 
subject.  An  association  was  formed  in  1784,  in 
New  York,  opposed  to  the  existence  of  slavery  in 
that  State,  and  designed  to  accomplish  its  gradual 
and  legal  removal.  Lafayette,  still  the  personal  and 
intimate  friend  of  Hamilton,  alluded  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  this  subject:  "I  find  in  one  of  your  Ga- 
zettes an  association  against  the  slavery  of  negroes, 
which  seems  to  be  worded  in  such  a  way  as  to  give 
no  offense  to  the  moderate  men  in  the  southern 
States.  As  I  have  ever  been  partial  to  my  brethren 
of  that  color,  I  wish,  if  you  are  in  the  society,  you 
would  move  in  your  own  name  for  my  being  ad- 
mitted on  the  list."  This  association  was  a  branch 


160  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  a  similar  one  already  established  in  Philadel- 
phia. John  Jay  was  its  president.  Hamilton  was 
one  of  its  leading  members,  and  was  chairman  of 
a  committee  appointed  to  devise  ways  and  means 
to  accomplish  the  object  of  the  society. 

In  performance  of  his  duty  as  chairman  of  this 
committee  he  proposed  a  resolution  in  the  society 
to  the  effect,  that  every  member  of  it  should  manu- 
mit his  own  slaves.  This  resolution  was  warmly  de- 
bated and  then  postponed.  He  himself  never  owned 
a  slave,  and  consequently  had  none  to  manumit;  but 
having  been  informed  that  a  domestic  whom  he 
had  hired  was  about  to  be  sold  by  her  master,  he 
purchased  her  freedom  for  her.  He  thus  practically 
obeyed  the  injunction  contained  in  the  resolution 
which  he  had  proposed  to  the  society ;  but  which 
few  of  the  members  were  willing  to  imitate  or  exe- 
cute. Disgusted  with  their  inconsistency  and  self- 
ishness, he  afterward  discontinued  his  attendance 
on  their  meetings;  although  his  own  sentiments 
on  this  grave  question  never  were  known  to  have 
undergone  any  alteration. 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  ]C1 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ESTABLISHMENT  OP  THE  SOCIETY  OP  THE  CINCINNATI — ITS  CONSTITUTION 
AND  PURPOSES — POPULAR  PREJUDICE  AGAINST  IT — JEFFERSON'S  OPI- 
NIONS IN  REFERENCE  TO  IT — THE  CONVENTION  AT  ANNAPOLIS — HAMIL- 
TON'S ACTIVITY  AND  INFLUENCE  IN  THAT  BODY — IS  ELECTED  A  MEM- 
BER OF  THE  NEW  YORK  LEGISLATURE — HIS  LABORS  THERE — IS  TH8 
MEANS  OF  ESTABLISHING  THE  NEW  YORK  UNIVERSITY. 

THE  year  1786  still  finds  the  illustrious,  and 
even  yet  youthful,  subject  of  this  memoir  actively 
devoted  to  his  professional  duties  in  N"ew  York. 
Nevertheless  he  took  a  prominent  share  in  many 
movements  which  concerned  the  honor  and  pros- 
perity of  the  country.  One  of  these  was  with  refe- 
rence to  the  celebrated  society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

This  association  had  been  formed  immediately 
after  the  conclusion  of  the  revolutionary  war.  Its 
members  were  composed  of  the  officers  of  the  army, 
and  it  was  established  at  the  encampment  on  the 
Hudson.  Its  avowed  and  only  object  was  to  aid  in 
preserving  the  liberties  which  its  members  had  aided 
so  effectually  to  obtain ;  and  more  especially  to  pro- 
mote national  union,  and  render  permanent  the 
mutual  affection  of  the  officers  by  acts  of  brotherly 
courtesy  and  beneficence.  It  is  enough  to  say  in 
14* 


102  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

defense  of  tliis  society,  that  George  "Washington 
was  president-general.  It  had  separate  branches, 
composed  of  the  officers  who  resided  in  each  State, 
connected  with  and  subordinate  to  the  general  so- 
ciety. One  of  the  peculiar  features  of  the  society 
was  that  its  members  were  composed,  not  only  of 
the  officers  then  living,  of  all  grades,  but  that  the 
succession  of  membership  should  continue  to  their 
eldest  male  posterity. 

There  was  evidently  nothing  dangerous  or  anti- 
republican  in  the  principles  and  purposes  of  this 
organization.  Its  chief  aim  was  to  keep  alive  the 
memory  of  those  stirring  times,  and  of  those  great 
toils  and  labors,  in  which  its  members  had  partici- 
pated. It  was  natural  that,  after  seven  years  of  as- 
sociation together  in  such  scenes  as  those  which  cha- 
racterized the  progress  of  the  revolutionary  struggle, 
its  actors  should  not  wish  to  let  their  recollection  and 
their  freshness  perish ;  but  rather  to  cherish  them 
in  full  and  cheerful  remembrance,  as  long  as  was 
compatible  with  the  inevitable  mutability  of  all 
human  affairs. 

Singular  as  it  may  now  appear,  this  society  be- 
came the  object,  in  the  year  1786,  of  violent  popu- 
lar prejudices  and  abuse.  It  was  asserted  that  the 
society  was  intended  to  create  a  race  of  hereditary 
patricians,  to  invade  and  endanger  the  liberties  of 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON".  163 

the  country;  and  that  it  was  repugnant  to  the  ge- 
nius of  free  institutions. 

Nor  was  this  opposition  confined  to  the  vulgar 
and  the  ohscure.  Many  persons  joined  in  the  cla 
mor,  who,  having  only  been  engaged  in  the  civil 
service,  were  jealous  of  every  thing  with  which 
they  were  not  identified.  Mr.  Jefferson  advised 
the  Cincinnati  that  they  would  do  better  and  wiser 
to  melt  down  their  eagles.  Mr.  Adams  denounced 
the  association  as  an  inroad  on  the  first  principles 
of  equality,  and  as  an  institution  intended  to  sow  the 
seeds  of  vanity,  ambition,  corruption,  discord  and 
sedition  among  the  community. 

A  general  meeting  of  the  society  was  at  length 
called,  in  consequence  of  the  popular  outcry. 
"Washington  presided  over  its  deliberations.  A  mo- 
tion was  made  to  abolish  the  hereditary  provision 
in  the  constitution  of  the  society.  The  State  so- 
ciety of  New  York  also  met  on  July  4th,  1780. 
Before  this  body  Hamilton  delivered  an  oration  on 
the  subject;  and  as  chairman  of  a  committee  he 
presented  a  report,  in  which  his  views  of  the  pro- 
posed change  are  embodied.  He  strongly  opposed 
the  abolition  of  the  hereditary  provision,  as  being 
necessary  to  the  perpetuation  of  the  society,  and 
as  being  harmless  in  itself.  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, he  recommends  several  alterations  in  the  con- 


164  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 

stitution  of  minor  importance.  He  suggested  that 
there  should  be  a  distinction  established  between 
honorary  and  regular  members.  His  suggestions 
were  eventually  adopted ;  and  the  progress  of  time 
has  long  since  clearly  evinced  not  only  the  total 
absurdity  of  the  outcry  which  was  made  against 
the  Cincinnati  at  that  period,  but  also  the  harm- 
lessness,  the  propriety,  and  the  excellence  of  the 
institution  in  every  imaginable  respect.  It  remains 
to  this  day  one  of  the  purest,  noblest,  and  most  ho- 
norable mementos  of  the  most  glorious  era  of  Ame- 
rican history.  Her  medals  still  bear  upon  them, 
not  unfitly,  the  appropriate  maxim :  Omnia  reliquit 
servare  rempublicam;  and  they  still  proclaim  the  pa- 
triotic principle  and  hope,  in  reference  to  the  liber- 
ties which  its  members  themselves  had  purchased : 
Esto  perpetua. 

An  invidious  mind  might  detect  a  spark  of  pride 
in  this  sentiment,  but  a  liberal  one  can  perceive 
nothing  except  the  most  exalted  patriotism  ! 

The  pride  of  station,  and  the  ostentation  of  rank 
peculiar  to  Toyal  governments,  are  not  only  neces- 
sary to  the  safety  of  the  king,  but  indispensable  to 
the  pomp  and  glitter  of  a  court ;  hence  they  are  as 
foreign  to  the  simplicity  of  a  republic,  and  to.  the 
virtuous  habits  of  a  free  people,  as  pure  republican 
principles  would  be  inconsistent  with,  as  well  as 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  1C5 

destructive  of,  royal  power  and  regal  magnifi- 
cence. 

Happily  for  the  fame  of  Hamilton  the  project 
for  the  establishment  of  the  society  of  the  Cin- 
cinnati did  not  originate  with  him.  "This  idea, 
(says  Marshall)  was  suggested  by  General  Knox, 
and  matured  in  a  meeting  composed  of  the  gene- 
rals, and  of  deputies  from  the  regiments,  at  which 
Major-General  le  Baron  Steuben  presided.  An 
agreement  was  then  entered  into,  by  which  the  offi- 
cers were  to  constitute  themselves  into  one  society 
of  friends,  to  endure  as  long  as  they  should  endure* 
or  any  of  THEIR  ELDEST  MALE  POSTERITY;  and  in  fai- 
lure thereof,  any  collateral  branches  who  might  be 
judged  worthy  of  becoming  its  supporters  and 
members  were  to  be  admitted  into  it.  To  mark 
their  veneration  for  that  celebrated  Roman,  between 
whose  situation  and  their  own,  they  found  some 
similitude,  they  were  to  be  denominated  the  "So- 
ciety of  the  Cincinnati."  Individuals  of  the  re- 
spective States,  distinguished  for  their  patriotism 
and  abilities,  might  be  admitted  as  honorary  mem- 
bers for  life,  provided  their  numbers  should  at  no 
time  exceed  a  ratio  of  one  to  four. 

"The  society  was  to  be  designated  by  A  MEDAL  OP 
GOLD,  representing  the  American  eagle,  bearing  on 
its  breast  the  devices  of  the  ORDER,  which  was  to  be 
suspended  by  a  deep  blue  ribbon,  edged  with  white,' 


166  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

&c.     Of  this  new  order,  "Washington   was    unani- 
mous!}* chosen  president. 

"Without  experiencing  any  open  opposition," 
(says  Marshall)  "this  institution  was  carried  into 
complete  effect;  and  its  honors,  especially  by  the 
foreign  officers,  were  sought  with  great  avidity. 
But  soon  after  it  was  organized,  those  jealousies, 
which  in  its  first  moments  had  been  concealed, 
burst  forth  into  open  view.  In  October,  1783,  a 
pamphlet  was  published  by  Mr.  Burk,  of  South  Ca- 
rolina, for  the  purpose  of  rousing  the  apprehen- 
sions of  the  public,  and  of  directing  its  resentments 
against  the  society.  Perceiving  in  the  Cincinnati 
the  foundation  of  an  hereditary  order,  whose 
base,  from  associating  with  the  military  the  chiefs 
of  the  powerful  families  in  each  State,  would  ac- 
quire a  degree  of  solidity  and  strength  admitting 
of  any  superstructure,  he  portrayed,  in  that  fervid 
and  infectious  language  which  is  the  genuine  off- 
spring of  passion,  the  dangers  to  result  from  the 
fabric  uhich  would  be  erected  on  it.  The  minis- 
ters of  tb«T  United  States  too,  in  Europe,  and  the 
political  theorists  who  cast  their  eyes  toward  the 
west  for  support  to  favorite  systems,  having  the 
privileged  orders  constantly  in  view,  were  loud 
in  their  condemnation  of  an  institution,  from 
which  a  race  of  nobles  was  expected  to  spring. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  167 

Throughout  every  State  the  alarm  was  spread,  and  a 
high  degree  of  jealousy  pervaded  the  mass  of  the 
people." 

Hamilton  endeavored  to  procure  a  modification 
of  some  of  the  more  aristocratic  features  of  the  in- 
stitution, but  his  efforts  were  without  success. 

The  same  apprehensions  in  reference  to  this  so- 
ciety have  contined  to  exist  until  the  present  period, 
although  they  are  much  diminished  by  the  extinc- 
tion of  its  original  members,  and  by  the  progress 
of  free  and  liberal  principles. 

In  a  letter  to  General  Washington,  dated  April 
16,  1784,  Air.  Jefferson  gives,  at  full  length,  hia 
objections  to  the  institution  of  the  Cincinnati,  from 
which  we  introduce  the  following  brief  passage: 
"  The  objections  of  those  who  are  opposed  to  the 
institution  shall  be  briefly  sketched.  You  will  rea- 
dily fill  them  up.  They  urge  that  it  is  against  the 
confederation,  against  the  letter  of  some  of  our  con- 
stitutions, against  the  spirit  of  all  of  them;  that 
the  foundation  on  which  all  these  are  built  is  the 
natural  equality  of  man,  the  denial  of  every  pre- 
eminence but  that  annexed  to  legal  office,  and  par- 
ticularly the  denial  of  a  pre-eminence  by  birth  ; 
that  however,  in  their  present  dispositions,  citizens 
might  decline  accepting  honorary  installments  into 
the  order,  a  time  may  come  when  a  well  directed 


168  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

distribution  of  them  might  draw  into  the  order  all 
the  men  of  talents,  of  office,  and  wealth;  and,  in 
this  case,  would  probably  procure  an  engraftmeiit 
into  the  government;  that  in  this  they  will  be  sup- 
ported by  their  foreign  members,  and  the  wishes 
and  influence  of  foreign  courts;  that  experience 
has  shown  that  the  hereditary  branches  of  modern 
governments  are  the  patrons  of  privilege  and  pre- 
rogative, and  not  of  the  natural  rights  of  the  people, 
whose  oppressors  they  generally  are;  that,  besides 
these  evils,  which  are  remote,  others  may  take  place 
more  immediately;  that  a  distinction  is  kept  up 
between  the  civil  and  military,  which  it  is  for  the 
happiness  of  both  to  obliterate;  that  when  the 
members  assemble  they  will  be  proposing  to  do 
something,  and  what  that  something  may  be,  will 
depend  on  actual  circumstances ;  that  being  an  or- 
ganized body,  under  habits  of  subordination,  the 
first  obstruction  to  enterprise  will  be  already  sur- 
mounted ;  that  the  moderation  and  VIRTUE  of  a  single 
character  have  probably  prevented  this  revolution  from 
being  closed,  as  most  others  have  been,  by  a  subversion 
of  that  liberty  it  was  intended  to  establish;  that  he  is 
not  immortal,  and  his  successor,  or  some  of  his  suc- 
cessors, may  be  led  by  false  calculations  into  a  less 
certain  road  to  glory." 

It  has  always  been  known  that  Mr.  Jefferson  was 
opposed  to  the  institution  of  the  Cincinnati,  as  con- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON  169 

taining  the  germ  of  an  hereditary  nobility;  but  to 
what  precise  extent  he  carried  his  objections, 
it  is  difficult  to  discover.  The  foregoing  letter, 
published  by  his  grandson,  in  the  volume  that  con- 
tains his  memoir  of  his  own  life,  throws  some 
light  on  the  subject.  It  appears,  from  the  preced- 
ing extract,  that  he  opposed  it  on  the  broadest 
grounds  of  democracy,  equality,  and  popular  sove- 
reignty and  rule. 

His  letters  from  Paris  in  1785  and  '86,  to  Wash- 
ington himself,  as  well  as  others,  breathe  the  purest 
attachment  and  the  highest  veneration  for  that 
great  patriot ;  from  whom  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
become  alienated  till  subsequent  events  and  his  own 
ambition  generated  feelings  of  an  opposite  nature : 
all  produced  by  the  new  situation  which  he  was 
called  to  occupy  in  the  government.  It  is  re- 
markable also  that  at  the  dates  here  referred  to,  he 
took  peculiar  pleasure  in  discoursing  on  matters 
connected  with  pomp,  splendor,  and  ceremony;  so 
that  the  Court  of  Versailles,  instead  of  disgusting 
his  republican  taste,  seems  on  the  contrary  to  have 
been  highly  pleasing  to  him.  Being  intrusted  at 
this  time  with  a  commission  to  procure  an  artist  to 
execute  an  equestrian  statue  of  Washington,  he  ap- 
pears to  have  taken  great  pleasure,  and  spent  much 
labor  in  that  undertaking ;  which  led  him  to  a  pro- 
tracted correspondence,  in  which  his  overflowing 
16 


170  THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 

affection  for  "Washington  was  constantly  manifested, 
which  could  not  fail  to  awaken  in  the  breast  of 
the  first  President  a  corresponding  sentiment  of 
attachment,  esteem,  and  confidence. 

During  this  year  (1786)  Hamilton's  career  was  dis- 
tinguished by  the  active  and  eflicient  part  which  he 
took  in  the  Annapolis  convention.  He  had  never 
abandoned  his  views  in  reference  to  the  great  design 
of  a  national  constitution.  He  wished  that  New  York 
should  definitively  adopt  or  reject  the  revenue  system 
of  1783 ;  and  in  case  she  rejected  it,  that  she  should 
appoint  commissioners  to  attend  the  Annapolis  con- 
vention, the  aims  and  .purposes  of  which  were  solely 
commercial.  He  regarded  this  commercial  conven- 
tion as  a  preliminary  measure  to  a  general  convention 
to  form  a  federal  constitution.  Commissioners  to  the 
Annapolis  convention  were  appointed  by  the  legis- 
lature of  New  York,  of  whom  Hamilton  was  one. 
New  Jersey,  Delaware,  and  Pennsylvania  also  ap- 
pointed commissioners.  Those  selected  by  New 
York,  in  addition  to  Hamilton,  were  Duane,  K.  R. 
Livingston,  R.  C.  Livingston,  Benson,  and  Ganse- 
voort.  Benson  and  Hamilton  alone  proceeded  to 
Annapolis.*  After  some  deliberation  a  committee 

*  The  States  of  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island, 
and  North  Carolirfa  had  also  appointed  commissioners ;  but  they 
did  not  attend.  New  York,  Virginia,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and 
Is'ew  Jersey  alone  were  represented. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  171 

was  appointed  to  prepare  an  address  to  the  States, 
and  the  draft  of  this  address  was  written  by  Hamil- 
ton. It  was  offered  and  adopted  on  the  14th  Sep- 
tember, 1786. 

This  address  described  with  great  force  and  clear- 
ness the  condition  of  the  States,  and  the  necessity 
for  a  more  efficient  government.  It  urged  the  pro- 
priety of  a  speedy  meeting  of  delegates  from  all  the 
colonies  of  the  Confederacy.  It  asserted  that  impor- 
tant defects  existed  in  the  commercial  system  of  the 
federal  government;  that,  in  consequence,  embar- 
rassments characterized  the  existing  state  of  our  na- 
tional affairs,  both  foreign  and.  domestic ;  that  the 
best  remedy  for  these  would  be  the  assembling  of  a 
general  convention  from  all  the  States ;  that  a  suit- 
able time  and  place  for  the  assembling  of  such  a  con- 
vention would  be  the  second  Monday  of  May,  1787, 
at  Philadelphia;  and  that  the  great  aim  and  pur- 
pose of  that  convention  should  be  to  render  the 
constitution  of  the  federal  government  adequate 
to  meet  the  existing  exigencies  of  the  Union ;  and 
report  such  an  act  for  that  purpose  to  the  United 
States  in  Congress  assembled,  as,  when  agreed  to 
by  them,  and  afterward  confirmed  by  the  Legisla- 
ture of  each  State,  will  most  effectually  provide  for 
the  same. 

Immediately  after  the  adjournment  of  the  Con- 


172  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

vention  of  Annapolis,  which  had  resulted  only  in 
recommending  wise   and  judicious  measures  to  the 
several  colonies,  Hamilton  was  elected  to  the  Legis- 
lature of  New  York.     That  State  had,  under  the 
guidance   of  its  governor,  Clinton,  obstinately  re- 
fused to  acquiesce  in  the  adoption  of  the  proposed 
revenue  system  of  1783.      It  was  thought  by  the 
party  at  whose  head  Clinton  stood,  that  the  interests 
of  New  York  as  a  separate  State  were  different 
from,  and  antagonistic  to  the  operation  of  the  system 
of  1783,  which  nearly  all  the  other  members  of  the 
confederacy  had  approved.     One  of  the  provisions 
of  that  law  was,  that  the  revenues  due  to  the  federal 
government  from  the  State  should  be  collected  by- 
federal   officers,  who  were   amenable   only  to   the 
authority  of  the  United  States.     The  idea  of  State 
aggrandizement  alone  guided  the  policj'  of  Governor 
Clinton,   forgetful   of   the   necessity  and  duty  of 
protecting,  in  a  confederacy  like  this,  the  interesta 
of  the  central  government. 

At  this  period  the  influence  of  Governor  Clinton, 
who  had  already  occupied  his  high  place  for  nearly 
ten  years,  was  almost  supreme  in  New  York ;  but 
Hamilton  was  nominated  for  the  assembly  by  the 
wise  and  patriotic  party  who  opposed  his  contracted 
policy ;  and  as  their  representative  he  was  elected,  his 
great  personal  popularity  contributing  in  no  small 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  173 

degree,  to  the  accomplishment  of  this  result.  Gene- 
ral Schuyler  was  at  the  same  time  their  candidate 
for  the  Senate.  The  legislature  met  in  January, 
1787,  in  the  city  of  New  York.  The  opening  ad- 
dress of  the  governor  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
which  Hamilton  was  a  member.  He  drew  up  its  re- 
port. The  committee  having  made  a  report  in  which 
they  abstained  from  either  censuring  or  commend- 
ing the  conduct  of  Governor  Clinton,  Hamilton 
addressed  the  house.*  His  speech  was  lengthy,  but 
plain,  simple,  and  argumentative.  He  went  over  the 
whole  subject  involved  in  the  controversy.  He  pro- 
posed conciliation,  and  an  acquiescence  with  the 
recommendation  of  Congress  on  the  subject  of  the 
revenue.  But  so  strong  were  the  prevalent  preju- 
dices, and  so  powerful  was  the  party  of  Governor 
Clinton,  that  when  the  vote  was  taken  on  the  re- 
port, the  conciliatory  substitute  which  Hamilton  had 
offered  was  rejected  by  thirty-six  to  nine. 

Hamilton's  presence  in  the  Legislature  of  1787 
was  marked  by  his  usual  industry  and  ability.  He 
moved  a  reference  of  the  laws  which  seemed  appa- 
rently to  contravene  the  provisions  of  the  late  treaty 


*  The  chief  dispute  about  the  conduct  of  the  governor  was, 
•whether  or  not  he  should  have  called  a  meeting  of  the  legislature  at 
an  earlier  date,  according  to  the  requisition  of  Congress,  in  order  to 
approve  of  the  act  of  1783. 

15* 


174  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

with  Great  Britain ;  another  relative  to  debts  due 
to  persons  within  the  enemy's  lines;  and  another  iu 
reference  to  the  Trespass  Act,  already  referred  to  in 
these  pages.  lie  took  a  prominent  part  in  a  dis- 
cussion which  arose  in  regard  to  excluding  from, 
seats  in  the  legislature  all  those  who  were  either 
pensioners  or  officers  of  the  federal  government. 
lie  delivered  an  elaborate  speech  in  reference 
to  the  election  laws,  and  upon  the  important 
question  whether  the  legislature  possessed  the 
power  of  abridging  the  constitutional  rights  of 
the  people. 

As  a  member  of  the  Committee  of  Ways  and 
Means,  he  brought  forward  a  plan  which  he  had 
long  before  matured,  to  exclude  arbitrary  valuations 
in  taxation.  His  great  purpose  was  to  substitute  a 
mode  by  which  each  individual  might  himself  esti- 
mate the  amount  of  his  taxes,  without  being  de- 
pendent on  the  caprices  of  another,  and  to  secure, 
as  far  as  possible,  certainty  and  equality  in  taxation. 
He  also  directed  his  attention  to  criminal  jurispru- 
dence. He  proposed  a  law  for  the  speedy  trial  of 
small  offenders.  He  introduced  clearer  definitions 
of  all  the  grades  of  crime,  and  a  more  efficient 
method  of  obtaining  the  operation  and  benefit  of  the 
Habeas  Corpus  Act.  In  all  his  proposed  amend- 
ments in  reference  to  criminal  law,  benevolence  to 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

the  fallen,  and  clemency  to  the  guilty,  were  the 
leading  principles  which  guided  him.  He  devised  a 
plan  to  build  up  a  great  system  of  public  instruction 
upon  comprehensive  principles,  to  incorporate  that 
system  into  the  public  policy  of  the  State,  and  to 
render  it  by  constant  and  familiar  use  an  indis- 
pensable and  cherished  want  of  the  community. 
He  proposed  an  institution  for  public  instruction 
under  the  form  and  title  of  a  University,  to  be 
known  as  the  "University  of  the  State  of  New 
York ;"  and  to  his  energy  and  enlightened  patriot- 
ism that  city  is  indebted  for  the  stately  presence 
and  benignant  influence  of  her  noble  University ; 
and  for  the  establishment  of  several  of  the  most 
useful  Academies  which  now  exist  throughout  the 
State. 


176  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER    IX. 


DIFFICULTIES  BETWEEN  THE  STATES  OF  VERMONT  AND  NEW  YORK — 
HAMILTON'S  SPEECH  ON  THE  SUBJECT — A  FEDERAL  CONSTITUTION  PRO- 
POSED BY  HAMILTON — CONDITION  AND  WANTS  OF  THE  COUNTRY — ARTI- 
CLES OF  CONFEDERATION — VIRGINIA  PROPOSES  A  FEDERAL  CONVENTION 
— HAMILTON  CHOSEN  TO  REPRESENT  THE  STATE  OF  NEW  YORK  IN  IT — 
HIS  IMPORTANT  LABORS  IN  THAT  CONVENTION — DRAFTS  THE  CONSTITU- 
TION OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — PROVISIONS  OF  THAT  CONSTITUTION — • 
6REAT  DIFFICULTIES  TO  BE  OVERCOME — ITS  FINAL  ADOPTION. 


IN  March,  1787,  a  crisis  of  great  importance  and 
danger  occurred  in  our  national  history.  The  State 
of  Vermont  was  at  that  time,  in  effect,  an  independ- 
ent sovereignty.  She  had  never  united  with  the 
confederacy.  She  was  a  stranger,  and  seemed  soon 
about  to  assume  the  attitude  of  an  enemy  to  the 
Union.  Many  of  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  had 
purchased  from  that  State  lands  in  the  disputed  terri- 
tory claimed  by  Vermont.  Mr.  Hamilton,  then  a  mem- 
ber of  the  N"ew  "York  Legislature,  introduced  a  bill 
"  to  authorize  the  delegates  of  New  York  in  Congress 
to  accede  to  and  confirm  the  independence  and  sove- 
reignty of  the  people  inhabiting  the  district  of  country 
commonly  called  Vermont."  He  accompanied  this 
bill  with  appropriate  remarks,  showing  how  it  was 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  177 

the  only  means  of  quieting  the  existing  disturb- 
ance,,and  averting  the  impending  dangers  of  intes- 
tine war. 

The  bill  was  violently  opposed  by  counsel  in  be- 
half of  those  citizens  who  claimed  lands  within  the 
jurisdiction  of  that  State.  Richard  Harrison,  a 
distinguished  lawyer  of  New  York,  was  heard  in 
their  behalf  at  the  bar  of  the  House.  He  argued 
against  the  bill  with  great  learning  and  ability.  He 
attempted  to  prove  that  it  was  unconstitutional, 
impolitic,  and  destructive  of  the  rights  of  the  citizens 
of  New  York.  Mr.  Hamilton  responded ;  and  his 
argument  was  one  of  unsurpassed  power  and  elo- 
quence. He  vindicated  his  bill  by  showing  that  the 
State  was  under  no  obligations  from  the  principles 
involved  in  the  social  compact — whatever  they  might 
be  pleased  to  do  from  generosity  or  policy — to  in- 
demnify the  citizens  of  New  York  for  losses  sus- 
tained by  a  violent  dismemberment  of  a  part  of  the 
body  politic,  which  they  did  not  possess  the  power 
to  prevent  or  to  reclaim.  This  speech,  together 
with  one  which  he  delivered  in  favor  of  the  cession 
of  the  five  per  centum  imposts  to  the  United  States, 
were  justly  regarded  as  perfect  models  of  senatorial 
argument  and  eloquence,  were  universally  admired 
at  the  time  by  men  of  all  parties,  and  contributed 
in  no  small  degree  to  elevate  his  already  exalted 


178  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

fame.  In  the  speech  in  reference  to  the  impost  he 
took  a  comprehensive  view  of  the  history  and  con- 
dition of  the  Union,  and  clearly  demonstrated  that 
there  was  no  constitutional  impediment  to  the  pas- 
sage of  the  bill;  that  there  was  not  the  slightest 
danger  to  be  apprehended  to  the  liberty  of  the 
people  by  intrusting  the  power  in  question  to  the 
United  States ;  that  the  measure  was  highly  advan- 
tageous in  consequence  of  its  influence  on  the 
revenue ;  and  that  our  national  affairs  would  soon 
be  involved  in  ruin,  if  the  chaos  which  then  existed 
and  pervaded  every  portion  of  them,  to  a  greater  or 
less  extent,  was  permitted  to  continue.  It  was  on 
this  occasion  that  he  made  the  following  remarkable 
declaration  :  "  If  in  the  public  stations  I  have  filled 
I  have  acquitted  myself  with  zeal,  fidelity  and  dis- 
interestedness; if  in  the  private  walks  of  life  my 
conduct  has  been  unstained  by  any  dishonorable 
act;  I  have  a  right  to  the  confidence  of  those  to 
whom  I  address  myself."* 

After  the  conclusion  of  his  speech  on  the  subject 
of  the  dispute  with  Vermont,  the  question  was  taken, 
and  the  bill  recognizing  the  independence  of  that 
State,  on  the  condition  that  she  united  with  the 

*  See  a  "  Brief  Review  of  the  Public  Life  and  Writings  of  Gene- 
ral Hamilton"  in  the  •«  Albany  Sentiuel,"  New  York,  Hopkins  & 
Seymour,  18u4. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  179 

confederacy,  was  passed.  This  happy  result  averted 
the  horrors  of  a  civil  war,  which  at  that  crisis  im- 
pended very  closely  over  the  respective  States  to 
the  issue. 

We  have  now  arrived  at  that  point,  in  the  career 
of  this  remarkable  man  so  full  of  intellectual  re- 
sources, so  patriotic,  so  indefatigable,  so  sagacious, 
so  eloquent,  and  so  profound,  that  his  labors  and  his 
abilities  seem  to  transcend,  even  in  the  most  cautious 
judgment,  those  of  any  other  statesman  of  ancient 
or  modern  times ;  when  he  performs  his  most  im- 
portant service  to  his  country,  and  erects  a  monu- 
ment to  his  own  fame  more  honorable  and  more 
permanent  than  fell  to  the  lot  of  any  other  Ameri- 
can patriot,  save  Washington  alone.  "We  mean  the 
formation  and  adoption  of  the  Federal  Constitution 
which  now  unites,  governs,  and  protects  this  glori- 
ous Union  with  such  prosperity  and  splendor.  A 
few  remarks  in  reference  to  the  state  and  wants  of 
the  country,  at  that  important  period,  will  not  be  in- 
appropriate as  preliminary  to  a  relation  of  Hamil- 
ton's agency  in  reference  to  the  matter. 

After  the  termination  of  the  Revolutionary  war, 
the  States  were  governed  by  the  Articles  of  Confed- 
eration or  Union  which  had  been  formed  under  the 
influence  and  pressure  of  the  common  danger.  The 
progress  of  time  soon  very  clearly  proved  that  they 


180  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

furnished  no  solid  foundation  for  the  establishment 
and  perpetuity  of  the  government.  The  prevalence 
of  peace  and  prosperity  introduced  many  selfish  and 
conflicting  interests,  the  disposition  and  control 
of  which  were  not  provided  for.  A  radical  and 
thorough  reform  now  became  absolutely  indispensa- 
ble; and  the  wisest  and  ablest  statesmen  of  the 
land  readily  acknowledged  and  felt  this  necessity. 
The  original  compact  required  the  concurrence  of 
seven  States  to  the  validity  of  every  act  of  legisla- 
tion, and  of  nine  to  some  of  the  most  important  of 
them.  The  consequence  was  that  frequently  some 
of  the  States  were  not  represented  in  some  of  the 
sessions  of  the  general  Congress;  or  were  repre- 
sented by  one  member  only,  or  by  an  even  number. 
The  result  of  this  was  that  in  many  cases  these 
States  had  n-o  voice  in  the  passage  of  the  laws,  or 
their  votes  being  equal  were  of  no  effect. 

The  existing  bond  of  union  was  not  only  defec- 
tive in  its  powers,  but  also  in  the  means  of  execut- 
ing them.  All  its  acts  were  of  none  effect  in  the 
respective  States  unless  approved  by  the  legislatures 
of  those  States.  The  laws  of  Congress  were  de- 
pendent on  the  support  and  endorsement  of  the  State 
laws  in  order  to  give  them  validity  and  effect.  The 
general  government  was  thus  totally  paralyzed.  No 
sufficient  fund  could  be  provided  to  liquidate  the 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  181 

interest  of  the  national  debt.  The  consequence  wag 
that  the  public  securities  of  the  United  States  fell  to 
one-tenth  of  their  nominal  value.  The  soldiers  of 
the  Revolution,  who  had  bought  with  their  toils  and 
blood  the  liberties  of  the  land,  had  received  a  certi- 
ficate for  the  payment  of  their  dues,  which  necessity 
often  compelled  them  to  sell,  and  for  which  they 
could  obtain  but  an  insignificant  equivalent.  The 
man  of  wealth  who  had  made  loans  to  the  Conti- 
nental government  in  the  hour  of  its  darkest  neces- 
sity, was  deprived  not  only  of  his  interest,  but  even 
of  a  portion  of  his  principal.  An  apology  and  ex- 
cuse had  been  embraced  for  the  non-fulfillment  of 
the  private  contracts  which  had  been  formed,  in  con- 
sequence of  this  dereliction  of  the  government. 
The  results  of  all  these  evils  were  in  the  highest 
degree  disastrous.  Mutual  confidence  was  in  a  great 
measure  destroyed.  The  moral  tone  of  the  com- 
munity was  seriously  deteriorated.  Heavy  restric- 
tions were  placed  on  American  commerce.  The  in- 
tercourse with  the  British  West  Indies,  from  which 
the  colonies  had  derived  large  supplies  of  gold  and 
silver,  was  forbidden  and  cut  off  by  the  British 
government.  Spain  resisted  their  right  to  navigate 
the  Mississippi  river.  Their  safety  in  the  Mediterra- 
nean sea  was  put  in  jeopardy.  Being  no  longer 
protected  by  the  power  and  awe  of  the  British  flag, 
16 


182  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

American  ships  were  attacked  in  those  and  the  ad- 
jacent waters  by  the  Algerine  pirates ;  and  they 
were  thus  compelled  to  abandon  a  most  lucrative 
•trade,  or  else  insure  their  cargoes  at  a  most  ruinous 
premium.  Thus  in  reality  many  of  the  evils  which 
ensued  after  the  attainment  of  independence,  were 
even  greater  than  those  which  the  British"  despot 

had  inflicted  previous  to  the  outbreak  of  the  Revo- 

• 

hition.     The  people  imagined  that  with  the  attain 
rneiit  of  liberty  they  had  secured  boundless  pros 
perity,  that  all  their  misfortunes  and  troubles  were 
at  an    end ;    but  they   discovered    that  they  had 
secured  freedom  without  its  appropriate  concomi- 
tants, and  the  name  of  an  independent  nation  with 
out  its  influence,  its  position,  and  its  attributes. 

The  operation  of  these  pernicious  causes  led  some 
to  adopt  violent  unconstitutional  and  pernicious  re- 
medies. Riots  and  insurrections  had  occurred  in 
Massachusetts;  the  arsenal  was  attacked,  and  a 
demand  made  of  the  legislature  to  reduce  the  taxes. 
Other  outbursts  in  other  directions  took  place,  all 
of  which,  to  discerning  minds,  were  portents  of 
greater  evils  yet  to  come.  It  became  absolutely  ne- 
cessary to  adopt  some  efficient  remedy,  if  the  pros- 
perity of  the  country  was  to  be  rescued  from  the 
impending  ruin.  Accordingly  James  Madison,  in 
the  name  of  Virginia,  made  a  proposition  to  all  the 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  183 

other  States  of  the  Confederation  to  meet  in  general 
convention,  in  order  to  digest  a  form  of  government 
equal  and  adapted  to  the  growing  exigencies  of  the 
colonies.  The  State  of  Virginia,  immediately  after 
the  adjournment  of  the  Convention  at  Annapolis, 
appointed  seven  commissioners  to  the  general  con- 
vention. New  Jersey  was  the  second  to  adopt  the 
proposition ;  and  on  the  23d  of  November  she  selected 
commissioners  with  similar  powers.  Pennsylvania 
was  the  third,  and  appointed  her  representatives  on 
the  30th  of  December,  1786.  At  first  the  State  of 
New  York  was  not  disposed  to  co-operate.  Some  of 
her  leading  statesmen  were  misled  by  the  selfish 
policy  of  Governor  Clinton,  who  still  wished  to 
aggrandize  the  State  at  the  expense  of  the  federal 
government.  Hamilton  put  forth  his  utmost  efforts 
to  counteract  this  pernicious  and  short-sighted  po- 
licy. Congress  then  sat  in  the  city  of  New  York, 
lie  mixed  daily  with  the  members.  He  used  every 
possible  method  of  conciliation  toward  the  national 
representatives  and  those  of  the  legislature  of  the 
State.  His  house  was  their  frequent  resort ;  and  by 
the  charms  of  his  eloquence,  and  by  his  unequaJed 
powers  of  conversation,  he  endeavored  to  convince 
all  men  of  the  necessity  and  value  of  a  more  perfect 
and  efficient  union.  He  condemned  those  who 
asserted  that  it  was  unsafe  to  confer  great  fiscal 


184  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

powers  on  Congress,  because  it  was  a  body  without 
checks,  while  at  the  same  time  they  refused  to  alter 
and  amend  its  constitution  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
render  it  both  responsible  and  efficient.  At  length 
on  the  8th  of  March,  1787,  New  York  concurred, 
and  appointed  delegates  to  the  Convention.  These 
were  Chief  Justice  Yates,  Hamilton,  and  Lansing.* 
On  the  9th  of  April,  Massachusetts  appointed  five 
deputies.  At  length,  on  the  25th  of  May,  represen- 
tatives from  every  State  in  the  Union  except  Rhode 
Island  met  in  Philadelphia.  They  chose  General 
Washington  as  president.  They  deliberated  with 
closed  doors  until  the  17th  of  September,  and  during 
the  interval  they  had  adopted  the  new  plan  of  na- 
tional government  now  known  and  revered  through- 
out the  civilized  world,  as  the  "  Constitution  of  the 
United  States  of  America."  This  constitution  was 
signed  by  Washington  as  president  of  the  Conven- 
tion, and  was  approved  by  him.  Copies  of  it  were 
gent  to  the  legislatures  of  the  different  States  for 
their  approval.  It  was  submitted  by  the  several 
legislatures  to  Conventions  appointed  in  each  State 
by  the  people.  And  it  was  at  length,  after  thorough 
and  mature  deliberation,  adopted  and  approved  by 
every  one  of  the  then  existing  States. 

*  See  Senate  Journal  of  New  York,  February  28th,  1787. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  185 

The  agency  of  Hamilton  in  this  celebrated  Con- 
vention was  of  the  first  prominence  and  importance. 
The  details  of  his  activity  were  not  then  known,  in- 
asmuch as  the  deliberations  were  held  with  closed 
doors.  Yet  the  nature  and  value  of  his  labors  \ve 
may  now  readily  estimate  from  facts  that  have  since 
become  known.*  That  Convention,  to  whose  hands 
was  committed  the  creation  of  that  sublime  and 
omnific  instrument  which  was  destined  to  mould  the 
character  and  future  career  of  this  vast  confederacy, 
which  even  now  in  half  a  century  rivals  in  mag- 
nitude, in  power,  and  in  glory,  the  empires  of 
Augustus  or  Charlemagne,  were  duly  impressed 
with  the  importance  of  the  functions  confided 
to  their  hands ;  and  yet  they  intrusted  to  Hamil- 
ton, still  a  young  man  of  thirty  years,  the  most 
responsible  and  difficult  portions  of  their  duty.  A 
committee  was  first  appointed  to  frame  the  standing 
rules  of  the  Convention.  "Wythe  of  Virginia,  Pinck- 
ney  of  South  Carolina,  and  Hamilton,  were  appointed 
the  members  of  that  committee.  They  reported,  and 
their  report,  with  some  unimportant  amendments, 
was  adopted.  On  the  29th  of  May,  fifteen  proposi- 

*  The  Journal  of  the  Debates  of  the  Federal  Convention  was 
published  by  order  of  Congress,  March  27th,  1818.  It  is  an  incident 
here  worthy  of  note,  that  Mr.  Madison  survived  all  the  other  mem  - 
oers  of  that  Convention. 

16* 


186  TIIE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

tions  suggesting  the  establishment  of  a  national 
government  were  laid  before  the  Convention  by 
Edmund  Randolph  of  Virginia.  The  Convention 
resolved  itself  into  a  committee  of  the  whole  to  dis- 
cuss these  propositions.  Different  members  then 
addressed  the  committee  at  length.  Charles  Pinck- 
ney  was  the  first.  Hamilton,  in  his  argument,  con- 
tended that  a  national  government  ought  to  be  esta- 
blished consisting  of  a  supreme  legislative,  judicial, 
and  executive  branches;  and  that  the  right  of  suffrage 
in  the  National  Legislature  ought  to  be  apportioned 
to  the  number  of  free  inhabitants  and  not  to  the 
quotas  of  contribution.  The  discussions  in  the  Con- 
vention were  protracted  and  deliberate.  An  im- 
portant theme  of  debate  which  arose,  was,  whether 
the  Convention  should  recommend  the  establish- 
ment of  a  national  government,  or  whether  it  should 
propose  mere  articles  of  confederation.  Hamilton 
contended,  as  might  have  been  expected,  for  the 
former.  In  fact  two  parties  existed  in  the  Conven- 
tion, at  the  head  of  one  of  which  was  Hamilton,  the 
federalist,  and  at  the  head  of  the  other  was  Madison, 
the  radical  or  democrat.  Hamilton  contended  that 
the  National  Legislature  should  have  the  power 
to  negative  all  the  laws  of  the  States  which  to  them 
appeared  improper.  He  thought  that  this  power 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  187 

would   create  a  mutual   dependence    between  the 
general  and  state  authorities. 

Neither  of  the  parties  seemed  able  to  harmonize 
on  the  plans  already  proposed.  It  appeared  as  if 
their  deliberations  would  eventually  prove  futile 
and  productive  of  no  result.  During  the  sessions  of 
the  Convention,  and  while  the  discussion  of  Mr. 
Randolph's  propositions  was  progressing,  Hamilton 
had  been  busily  preparing  a  plan  of  government  in 
which,  while  he  closely  adhered  to  the  great  princi- 
ples which  should  lie  at  the  basis  of  a  republic,  en- 
deavored to  impart  to  it  the  permanency,  vigor  and 
efficiency  which  characterize  a  constitutional  and 
limited  monarchy.  On  the  18th  of  June  he  ad- 
dressed the  committee  of  the  whole  at  length ;  and 
proposed  the  chief  ideas  of  the  system  which  he  in- 
tended to  submit.  This  celebrated  speech,  of  which 
the  systematic  and  logical  skeleton  still  remains 
among  his  papers,*  was  pronounced  by  Gouverneur 
Morris  to  have  been  the  most  able  and  impressive  he 
had  ever  heard ;  and  during  its  delivery  he  read  the 
elaborate  plan  of  government  which  he  had  pre- 
pared ;  a  plan  so  fully  and  perfectly  matured  by  his 
sagacious  and  powerful  mind,  that  it  might  have 
gone  into  immediate  effect  the  very  day  of  its 

•  See  Life  of  Hamilton,  by  J.  C.  Hamilton,  Vol.  II.  p.  481 


1  <8  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

adoption.  It  consisted  of  ten  articles,  each  article 
being  subdivided  into  sections. 

The  first  article  declared  that  the  supreme  legisla- 
tive power  ought  to  be  vested  in  an  assembly  and 
senate,  subject  to  a  negative ;  that  the  supreme 
executive  power  should  be  intrusted  to  a  president ; 
and  the  supreme  judicial  authority  vested  in  a  court 
consisting  of  not  less  than  six  nor  more  than  twelve 
justices. 

The  second  article  proposed  that  the  representa- 
tives should  be  chosen  by  the  free  male  citizens  of 
the  several  States  of  the  Union,  all  of  whom  of  the 
age  of  twenty-one  years  and  upward  should  be  en- 
titled to  an  equal  vote. 

The  third  article  related  to  the  second  branch  of 
the  legislature,  or  senate.  The  fourth  article  had  re- 
ference to  the  chief  executive,  the  mode  of  his  elec- 
tion, his  prerogatives,  and  his  duties.  The  fifth 
article  discussed  the  office  of  the  chief  justice,  of  the 
other  justices,  of  the  trial  by  jury.  The  various 
other  articles  which  followed  were  intended  to  meet 
the  different  exigencies  in  national  history  which 
might  occur ;  the  establishment  of  the  army,  the 
protection  of  property,  the  execution  and  fulfillment 
of  treaties,  the  creation  of  new  States,  and  the 
common  rights  and  immunities  which,  in  every  part 
of  the  confederacy,  should  forever  be  the  possession 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  189 

of  every  American  citizen.  The  tenth  article  finally 
provided  that  the  new  constitution  should  be  sub- 
mitted to  Conventions  of  the  people  of  each  State, 
consisting  of  deputies  chosen  by  their  respective 
legislatures.  "When  the  constitution  had  thus  been 
fully  and  finally  ratified,  Congress  were  to  give  no- 
tice of  a  time  and  place  of  meeting  of  the  senators 
and  representatives  from  all  the  States ;  a  majority 
of  whom  when  assembled  should,  by  a  plurality 
of  votes  in  joint  ballot,  elect  a  president  of  the  United 
States ;  and  the  government  thus  organized  under 
the  new  constitution  should  commence  its  operation. 
Such  was  the  plan  devised  by  the  sagacious  and 
profound  intellect  of  Hamilton.  The  great  principle 
which  lay  at  the  foundation  of  his  system  was  that, 
in  order  to  render  the  confederacy  powerful,  pros- 
perous, and  enduring,  the  national  government 
ought  to  have  sufficient  authority  and  vigor  dele- 
gated to  it  by  the  State  government,  to  enable  it  to 
support  itself  without  the  aid  or  interference  of  the 
State  governments.  He  contended  that  the  first 
branch  of  the  national  legislature  should  be  elected 
directly  by  the  people,  and  not  by  the  State  legisla- 
tures ;  because  the  period  might  arrive  when  the 
State  legislatures  would  cease  to  exist.  As  to  the  se- 
cond branch,  the  senate,  he  asserted  that  they  should 
be  chosen  by  the  people  through  the  agency  of 


190  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

electors.  He  held  and  repeatedly  uttered  the  great 
doctrine,  that  true  liberty  was  to  be  found  neither  in 
despotism,  nor  in  the  extremes  of  democracy,  but  in 
moderate  governments  alone;  for  too  much  de- 
mocracy leads  to  popular  despotism. 

The  views  of  Jefferson,  the  illustrious  father  of 
American  democracy,  in  reference  to  the  federal 
Constitution,  may  be  ascertained  from  the  following 
extracts  from  his  letters ;  and  are  interesting  in  this 
connection. 

"This  Convention  met  at  Philadelphia.  It  eat 
with  closed  doors,  and  Ijept  all  its  proceedings  secret 
until  its  dissolution  on  the  17th  of  September,  when 
the  results  of  its  labors  were  published  all  together. 
I  received  a  copy  early  in  November,  and  read  and 
contemplated  its  provisions  with  great  satisfaction.  As 
not  a  member  of  the  Convention,  however,  nor  pro- 
bably a  single  citizen  of  the  Union  had  approved  it 
in  all  its  parts,  so  I  too  found  articles  which  I  thought 
objectionable.  The  absence  of  express  declarations 
insuring  freedom  of  religion,  freedom  of  the  press, 
freedom  of  the  person,  under  the  uninterrupted  pro- 
tection of  the  habeas  corpus,  and  trial  by  jury  in 
civil  as  well  as  in  criminal  cases,  excited  my  jeal- 
ousy;  and  the  re-eligibility  of  the  president  for  life 
I  quite  disapproved.  I  expressed  freely,  in  letters 
to  ray  friends,  and  more  particularly  to  Mr.  Madi- 


OF  ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  Ijl 

son  and  General  Washington,  my  approbations  and 
objections.  How  the  good  should  be  secured,  and 
the  ill  brought  to  rights,  was  the  difficulty.  To 
refer  it  back  to  a  new  Convention  might  endanger 
the  loss  of  the  whole.  My  first  idea  was,  that  the 
nine  States  first  acting  should  accept  it  uncon- 
ditionally, and  thus  secure  what  in  it  was  good ;  and 
that  the  four  last  should  accept  on  the  previous  con- 
dition that  certain  amendments  should  be  agreed 
to ;  but  a  better  course  was  devised  of  accepting  the 
whole,  and  trusting  that  the  good  sense  and  honest 
intentions  of  our  citizens  would  make  the  altera- 
tions which  should  be  deemed  necessary.  Accord- 
ingly all  accepted,  six  without  objection,  and  seven 
with  recommendations  of  specified  amendments. 
Those  respecting  the  press,  religion,  and  juries,  with 
several  others  of  great  value,  were  accordingly  made ; 
but  the  habeas  corpus  was  left  to  the  discretion  of 
Congress,  and  the  amendment  against  the  re-eligi 
bility  of  the  president  was  not  proposed.  My  fears 
of  that  feature  were  founded  on  the  importance  of 
the  office,  on  the  fierce  contentions  it  might  excite 
among  ourselves,  if  continuable  for  life,  and  the 
dangers  of  interference,  either  with  money  or  arms, 
by  foreign  nations,  to  whom  the  choice  of  an  Ame- 
rican president  might  become  interesting.  Exam- 
ples of  this  abounded  in  history ;  in  the  case  of  the 


192  *HE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Roman  emperors,  for  instance — of  the  popes,  while 
of  any  significance — of  the  German  emperors,  the 
kings  of  Poland,  and  the  deys  of  Barbary.  I  had 
observed,  too,  in  the  feudal  history,  and  in  the  recent 
instance  particularly  of  the  Stadtholder  of  Holland, 
how  easily  offices  or  tenures  for  life  slide  into  in- 
heritances. My  wish  therefore  was,  that  the  pre- 
sident should  be  elected  for  seven  years,  and  be  in- 
eligible afterward.  This  term  I  thought  sufficient 
to  enable  him,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  legisla- 
ture, to  carry  through  and  establish  any  system  of 
improvement  he  should  propose  for  the  general  good. 
But  the  practice  adopted,  I  think,  is  better — allow^ 
ing  his  continuance  for  eight  years,  with  a  liability 
to  be  dropped  at  half-way  of  the  term,  making  that 
a  period  of  probation.  That  this  continuance  should 
be  restrained  to  seven  years  was  the  opinion  of  the 
Convention  at  an  earlier  stage  of  its  session,  when 
it  voted  that  term  by  a  majority  of  eight  against 
two,  and  by  a  simple  majority  that  he  should  be  in- 
eligible a  second  time.  This  opinion  was  confirmed 
by  the  House  so  late  as  July  26th,  referred  to  the 
committee  of  detail,  reported  favorably  by  them, 
and  changed  to  the  present  form  by  final  vote,  on 
the  last  day  but  one  only  of  their  session.  Of  this 
change,  three  States  expressed  their  disapprobation 
— New  York,  by  recommending  an  amendment  that 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  193 

the  president  should  not  be  eligible  a  third  time, 
and  Virginia  and  North  Carolina  that  he  should  not 
be  capable  of  serving  more  than  eight  in  any  term 
of  sixteen  years ;  and  although  this  amendment  has 
not  been  made  in  form,  yet  practice  seems  to  have 
established  it.  The  example  of  four  presidents  vo- 
luntarily retiring  at  the  end  of  their  eighth  year, 
and  the  progress  of  public  opinion  that  the  principle 
is  salutary,  have  given  it  in  practice  the  force  of 
precedent  and  usage;  insomuch,  that  should  a  pre- 
sident consent  to  be  a  candidate  for  a  third  election, 
I  trust  he  would  be  rejected,  on  this  demonstra- 
tion of  ambitious  views. 

"But  there  was  another  amendment,  of  which 
none  of  us  thought  at  the  time,  and  in  the  omission 
of  which  lurks  the  germ  that  is  to  destroy  this  happy 
combination  of  national  powers  in  the  general 
government  for  matters  of  national  concern,  and  in- 
dependent powers  in  the  States  for  what  concerns 
the  States  severally.  In  England  it  was  a  great 
point  gained  at  the  Revolution  that  the  commis- 
sions of  the  judges,  which  had  hitherto  been  during 
pleasure,  should  thenceforth  be  made  during  good 
behavior.  A  judiciary  dependent  on  the  will  of  the 
king,  had  proved  itself  the  most  oppressive  of  all 
tools  in  the  hands  of  that  magistrate.  Nothing  then 
could  be  more  salutary  than  a  change  there  to  the 
17 


194  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

tenure  of  good  behavior;  and  the  question  of  good 
behavior  left  to  the  vote  of  a  simple  majority  in  the 
two  houses  of  Parliament.  Before  the  Revolution, 
\ve  were  all  good  English  whigs,  cordial  in  their 
free  principles  and  in  their  jealousies  of  their  execu- 
tive magistrate.  These  jealousies  are  very  apparent 
in  all  our  State  constitutions;  and  in  the  general 
government,  in  this  instance,  we  have  gone  even 
beyond  the  English  caution,  by  requiring  a  vote  of 
two-thirds,  in  one  of  the  houses,  for  removing  a 
judge ;  a  vote  so  impossible,  where  any  defense  is 
made,  before  men  of  ordinary  prejudices  and  pas- 
sions, that  our  judges  are  effectually  independent 
of  the  nation.  Bnt  this  ought  not  to  be.  I  would  not, 
indeed,  make  them  dependent  on  the  executive 
authority,  as  they  formerly  were  in  England ;  but 
I  deem  it 'indispensable  to  the  continuance  of  this 
government,  that  they  should  be  submitted  to  some 
practical  and  impartial  control;  and  that  this,  to  be 
impartial,  must  be  compounded  of  a  mixture  of 
State  and  Federal  authorities.  It  is  not  enough 
that  honest  men  are  appointed  judges.  All  know 
the  influence  of  interest  on  the  mind  of  man,  and 
how  unconsciously  his  judgment  is  warped  by  that 
influence.  To  this  bias  add  that  of  the  esprit  dii 
corps,  of  their  peculiar  maxim  and  creed  that  'it  is 
the  office  of  a  good  judge  to  enlarge  his  jurisdiction,' 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  195 

and  the  absence  of  responsibility;  and  how  can  we 
expect  impartial  decision  between  the  general 
government,  of  which  they  are  themselves  so  emi- 
nent a  part,  and  an  individual  State,  from  which 
they  have  nothing  to  hope  or  fear?  "We  have  seen, 
too,  that  contrary  to  all  correct  example,  they  are  in 
the  habit  of  going  out  of  the  question  before  them, 
to -throw  an  anchor  ahead,  and  grapple  further  hold 
for  future  advances  of  power.  They  are  then,  in 
fact,  the  corps  of  sappers  and  miners,  steadily  work- 
ing to  undermine  the  independent  rights  of  the  States, 
and  to  consolidate  all  power  in  the  hands  of  that 
government  in  which  they  have  so  important  a 
freehold  estate." 

In  a  letter  to  F.  Hopkinson,  dated  Paris,  March 
13th,  1789,  he  avows  himself  an  advocate  of  a  con- 
solidated government,  and  disclaims  the  suspicion 
of  being  an  anti-federalist.  "  You  say  that  I  have 
been  dished  up  to  you  as  an  anti-federalist,  and  ask 
me  if  it  be  just.  My  opinion  was  never  worthy 
enough  of  notice,  to  merit  citing ;  but  since  you  ask 
it,  I  will  tell  it  to  you.  I  am  not  a  federalist,  be- 
cause I  never  submitted  the  whole  system  of  my 
opinions  to  the  creed  of  any  party  of  men  whatever, 
in  religion,  in  philosophy,  in  politics,  or  in  any 
thing  else,  where  I  was  capable  of  thinking  for  my- 
self. Such  an  addiction  is  the  last  degradation  of 


196  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

a  free  and  moral  agent.  If  I  could  not  go  to  hea- 
ven but  with  a  party,  I  would  not  go  there  at  all. 
Therefore  I  protest  to  you,  I  am  not  of  the  party  of 
federalists.  But  I  am  much  farther  from  that  of  the 
anti-federalists.  I  approved  from  the  first  of  the 
great  mass  of  what  is  in  the  new  constitution ;  the 
consolidation  of  the  government;  the  organization 
into  executive,  legislative,  and  judiciary ;  the  sub- 
division of  the  legislative ;  the  happy  compromise 
of  interests  between  the  great  and  little  States,  by 
the  different  manner  of  voting  in  the  different 
houses ;  the  voting  by  persons  instead  of  States ; 
the  qualified  negative  on  laws  given  to  the.  execu- 
tive, which,  however,  I  should  have  liked  better,  if 
associated  with  the  judiciary  also,  as  in  New  York ; 
and  the  power  of  taxation.  I  thought  at  first  that 
the  latter  might  have  been  limited.  A  little  re- 
flection soon  convinced  me  it  ought  not  to  be. 
"What  I  disapproved  from  the  first  moment,  also, 
•was  the  want  of  a  Bill  of  Rights,  to  guard  liberty 
against  the  legislative  as  well  as  executive  branches 
of  the  government;  that  is  to  say,  to  secure  freedom 
in  religion,  freedom  of  the  press,  freedom  from 
monopolies,  freedom  from  unlawful  imprisonment, 
freedom  from  a  permanent  military,  and  a  trial  by 
jury,  in  all  cases  determinable  by  the  laws  of  the 
land.  I  disapproved  also  the  perpetual  re-eligibility 


OF  ALEXANDER  HAMILTON.          197 

of  the,  president.  To  these  points  of  disapprobation 
I  adhere.  My  first  wish  was,  that  the  nine  first 
Conventions  might  accept  the  constitution,  as  the 
means  of  securing  to  us  the  great  mass  of  good  it 
contained,  and  that  the  four  last  might  reject  it,  as 
the  means  of  obtaining  amendments.  But  I  was 
corrected  in  this  wish  the  moment  I  saw  the  much 
better  plan  of  Massachusetts,  and  which  had  never 
occurred  to  me.  "With  respect  to  the  declaration  of 
rights,  I  suppose  the  majority  of  the  United  States 
are  of  my  opinion:  for  I  apprehend  all  the  anti- 
federalists,  and  a  very  respectable  portion  of  the 
federalists,  think  that  such  a  declaration  should  now 
be  annexed.  The  enlightened  part  of  Europe  have 
given  us  the  greatest  credit  for  inventing  this  in- 
strument of  security  for  the  rights  of  the  people,  and 
have  been  not  a  little  surprised  to  see  us  so  soon 
give  it  up.  With  respect  to  the  re-eligibility  of  the 
president,  I  find  myself  differing  from  the  majority 
of  my  countrymen ;  for  I  think  there  are  but  three 
States  of  the  eleven  which  have  desired  an  altera- 
tion of  this.  And,  indeed,  since  the  thing  is  esta- 
blished, /  would  wish  it  not  to  be  altered  during  the 
life  of  our  great  leader,  whose  executive  talents 
are  superior  to  those,  I  believe,  of  any  man  in  the 
world,  and  who  alone,  by  the  authority  of  his  name 
and  the  confidence  reposed  in  his  perfect  integrity,  is 
17* 


198  THF   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

fully  qualified  to  put  the  new  government  so  under 
way,  as  to  secure  it  against  the  efforts  of  opposi- 
tion. But  having  derived  from  our  error  all  the 
good  there  was  in  it,  I  hope  we  shall  correct  it  the 
moment  we  can  no  longer  have  the  same  name  at 
the  helm." 

The  views  of  Hamilton  gradually  gained  favor 
with  the  most  ahle  and  enlightened  members  of  the 
Convention.  Judge  Read,  a  delegate  from  Dela- 
ware, remarked :  "  I  would  have  no  objection  if  the 
government  was  more  national.  The  plan  of  the 
gentleman  from  New  York  is  certainly  the  best. 
But  the  great  evil  is  the  unjust  appropriation  of  the 
public  lands.  If  there  was  but  one  national  govern- 
ment, we  would  be  all  equally  interested." 

It  is  unnecessary  for  us  to  narrate  in  these  pages 
the  details  of  the  deliberations  which  took  place 
in  this  memorable  Convention.  "While  that  body 
was  still  in  session,  a  mysterious  report  was  promul- 
gated in  New  York,  by  the  enemies  of  a  National 
Confederacy,  to  the  effect  that  the  Convention  in- 
tended to  establish  a  monarchy,  and  to  place  at  its 
head  the  Prince  Bishop  of  Osnaburgh.*  This 

*  The  "  Bishop  of  Osimburgh"  was  the  titular  dignity  which 
belonged  to  one  of  the  princes  of  the  royal  family  of  England.  It 
was  derived  from  Osnaburgh,  a  city  of  Hanover,  and  was  one  of  the 
appendages  of  the  dynasty  of  the  reigning  house  of  Hanover.  Al 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  109 

absurd  report,  in  the  existing  state  of  public  ex- 
citement and  apprehension,  was  not  without  its 
weight.  This  circumstance  increased  Hamilton's 
anxiety  for  the  establishment  of  an  energetic  national 
government.  He  continued  to  take  an  active  par- 
ticipation in  all  the  debates ;  and  hence  Dr.  Wil- 
liam Samuel  Johnson,  a  delegate. from  Connecticut, 
very  truly  observed,  that  if  "the  Constitution  did 
not  succeed  on  trial,  Mr.  Hamilton  was  less  respon- 
sible for  that  result  than  any  other  member,  for  he 
fully  and  frankly  pointed  out  to  the  Convention 
what  he  apprehended  were  the  infirmities  to  which 
it  was  liable.  And  that  if  it  answered  the  fond  ex- 
pectations of  the  public,  the  community  would  be 
more  indebted  to  Mr.  Hamilton  than  to  any  other 
member ;  for  after  its  essential  outlines  were  agreed 
to,  he  labored  most  indefatigably  to  heal  those  in- 
firmities, and  to  guard  against  the  evils  to  which 
they  might  expose  it." 

When  the  Convention  at  last  came  to  vote  on 
the  adoption  of  the  Constitution  which  had  been 
proposed  and  discussed,  a  few  members  opposed  it, 
and  refused  to  append  their  signatures.  Among 

the  time  of  the  Revolution  this  title  nnd  dignity  belonged  to  Prince 
William  Henry,  Duke  of  Clarence.  Hence  the  proposition  seated 
to  have  been  made  in  the  Convention,  was  nothing  less  than  the 
re-establishment  of  British  rule  in  the  colonies,  in  the  person  of  one 
of  the  princes  of  the  blood. 


200  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

these  were  the  deputies  from  the  State  of  New 
York;  and  accordingly  the  name  of  Hamilton  ap- 
pears alone  subscribed  to  it.  Three  others  also 
refused  to  sign  it.  These  were  Gerry,  Mason,  and 
Randolph. 

The  federal  Constitution,  as  finally  adopted  and 
recommended  by  the  Convention,  eventually  se- 
cured the  approbation  of  all  the  States,  and  went 
into  operation  on  the  first  "Wednesday  in  March, 
1789.*  Twelve  additional  articles  were  afterward 
adopted,  at  different  periods,  as  soon  as  they  were 
rendered  necessary  by  the  exigencies  of  the  nation. 
Although  some  considerable  changes  were  intro- 
duced into  the  first  draft,  as  submitted  by  Hamilton, 
yet  it  may  with  justice  be  said,  that  the  present 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  the  most  perfect 
piece  of  political  machinery  which  the  world  has 
ever  seen ;  beautiful,  complete,  harmonious,  and  effi- 
cient, as  the  experience  of  more  than  half  a  century 
has  proved  it  to  be ;  was  the  production  of  the  mas- 
terly mind  of  Hamilton,  and  proceeded  from  his  hand, 
like  Minerva  from  the  brain  of  Jove,  a  form  of 
matchless  beauty  and  perfection.  "With  great  truth 
has  the  profound  statesman  Guizot  declared,  in  his 
able  work  on  the  character  of  "Washington,  that 
"Hamilton  must  be  classed  among  the  men  who 

*  See  5  Wheaton's  Reports,  p.  420. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  201 

have  best  known  the  vital  principles  and  funda- 
mental conditions  of  a  government ;  not  of  a  gov- 
ernment such  as  this,  but  of  a  government  worthy 
of  its  mission  and  of  its  name.  There  is  not  in  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States  an  element  of 
order,  of  force,  or  of  duration,  which  he  has  not 
powerfully  contributed  to  introduce  into  it  and  to 
give  it  a  predominance." 

After  the  publication  of  the  Constitution,  and 
while  the  people  were  discussing  its  merits  through- 
out the  whole  nation,  complaints  were  made  against 
Mr.  Hamilton  to  the  effect  that  he  had  proposed  mea- 
sures to  the  Convention  which  were  in  substance  mon- 
archical. This  absurd  charge  drew  forth  a  voluntary 
vindication  from  the  celebrated  Luther  Martin,  who, 
in  a  publication,  declared  "  that  Hamilton,  in  a  most 
able  and  eloquent  address,  did  express  his  general 
ideas  upon  the  subject  of  government,  and  of  that 
government  which  would,  in  all  human  probability, 
be  most  advantageous  for  the  United  States  I  ad- 
mit; but  in  thus  expressing  his  sentiments  he  did 
not  suggest  a  wish  that  any  one  officer  of  the 
government  should  derive  his  power  from  any  other 
source  than  the  people  ;  that  there  should  be  in  any 
instance  an  hereditary  succession  to  office ;  nor  that 
any  person  should  continue  longer  than  during 
good  behavior."  During  the  period  that  the  Con- 


~02  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Btitution  was  under  popular  scrutiny,  and  in  order 
to  counteract  the  absurd  prejudices  which  not  a  few 
designing  demagogues  were  active  in  disseminating 
both  publicly  and  secretly  among  the  people,  the 
celebrated  series  of  essays  entitled  the  Federalist 
was  written.  Its  authors  were  Hamilton,  Madison, 
and  Jay;  but  the  largest  and  most  valuable  por- 
tion of  the  work  was  composed  by  Mr.  Hamilton. 
This  is  one  of  the  most  able  and  profound  produc- 
tions of  any  land  or  age,  and  deserves  to  take  a 
permanent  and  undisputed  place  by  the  side  of  the 
great  works  of  Burlamaqui,  Grotius,  and  Mon- 
tesquieu, in  the  science  of  Political  Philosophy. 

But  in  order  to  oppose  more  directly  the  tide  of 
popular  prejudice  and  ignorance  against  the  new 
Constitution,  Hamilton  published  another  essay,  in 
which  he  holds  the  following  language :  "  The  new 
Constitution  has,  in  favor  of  its  success,  these  cir- 
cumstances :  A  very  great  weight  of  influence  of 
the  persons  who  framed  it,  particularly  in  the  uni- 
versal popularity  of  General  Washington.  The 
good-will  of  the  commercial  interest  throughout 
the  States,  which  will  give  all  its  efforts  to  the 
establishment  of  a  government  capable  of  regulat- 
ing, protecting,  and  extending  the  commerce  of  the 
LTnion.  The  good- will  of  most  men  of  property 
in  the  several  States,  who  wish  a  government  of 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  203 

the  Union  able  to  protect  them  against  domestic 
violence  and  the  depredations  which  the  democratic 
spirit  is  apt  to  make  on  property,  and  who  are  be- 
sides anxious  for  the  respectability  of  the  nation. 
The  hopes  of  the  creditors  of  the  United  States 
that  a  general  government,  possessing  the  means 
of  doing  it,  will  pay  the  debt  of  the  Union.  A 
strong  belief  of  the  people  at  large  of  the  insuffi- 
ciency of  the  present  confederation  to  preserve  the 
existence  of  the  Union,  and  of  the  necessity  of  the 
Union  to  their  safety  and  prosperity;  of  course,  a 
strong  desire  of  a  change*  and  a  predisposition  to 
receive  well  the  propositions  of  the  Convention." 

He  also  predicted  that  if  the  Constitution  were 
adopted,  Washington  would  be  elected  the  first 
President;  that  that  event  would  insure  a  wise  and 
prudent  administration;  that  such  an  administration 
would  secure  the  confidence  and  affection  of  the 
whole  nation;  and  that  thus  the  central  govern- 
ment would  acquire  more  consistency  and  power 
than  by  the  letter  of  the  Constitution  it  was  entitled 
to  receive. 

In  the  end,  the  predictions  of  this  great  man  and 
profound  statesman  were  fully  realized.  The  Con- 
stitution, which  he  chiefly  elaborated,  was  finally 
adopted ;  and  has  since  become  the  subject  of  the 
constant  eulogy  of  myriads  of  eloquent  tongues, 


204  THE    LIFE   AND  TIMES 

and  has  received  the  admiration  of  the  whole 
civilized  world.  The  merit  of  Hamilton  in  connec- 
tion with  it  can  now  scarcely  be  estimated ;  but 
when  a  thousand  years  of  unequaled  national  pros- 
perity and  glory  shall  have  rolled  over  this  con- 
federacy, which  his  great  plastic  hand  moulded  into 
so  compact,  so  beautiful,  and  so  consistent  a  mass ; 
when  five  hundred  millions  of  beings  shall  inhabit 
this  continent,  turning  by  their  thrifty  industry 
all  her  boundless  plains  and  valleys  into  blooming 
and  fruitful  gardens ;  and  when,  from  the  Atlantic 
to  the  Pacific  shore  an  empire  of  freemen  shall  here 
live  and  reign  under  the  benign  control  of  that 
Constitution,  being  ten  times  greater  than  any  pre- 
vious empire  that  ever  existed  on  the  earth ;  then, 
indeed,  may  the  vast  services  and  the  venerable 
name  of  Alexander  Hamilton  be  cherished  with 
the  profound  reverence  and  the  high  appreciation 
which  they  abundantly  deserve.* 

In  the  summer  of  1788  the  Convention  of  the  State 

*  The  following  observation  states  clearly  and  beautifully  one  of 
the  chief  attributes  or  characteristics  of  this  celebrated  work: 

"CONSTITUTION  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES. — Like  one  of  those  won- 
drous rocking  stones  reared  by  the  Druids,  which  the  finger  of  & 
child  may  vibrate  to  the  centre,  yet  the  might  of  an  army  co-iild  not 
move  it  from  its  place,  our  Constitution  is  so  nicely  poised  and 
balanced,  that  it  seems  to  sway  with  every  breath  of  opinion,  yet  so 
firmly  rooted  in  the  heart  and  affections  of  the  people,  that  the 
wildest  storms  of  treason  and  fanaticism  break  over  it  in  vain." — 
B.  C.  Wmihrop. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  205 

of  Xew  York  met,  of  which  Hamilton  was  a  memher. 
During  the  six  weeks  of  its  continuance  he  was 
actively  employed  in  using  his  influence  to  induce 
that  great  State  to  adopt  the  federal  Constitution, 
and  unite  with  the  confederacy.  To  his  exertions 
it  is  mainly  due  that  New  York  became  a  member 
of  this  great  family  of  nations.  His  speeches  be- 
fore this  Convention  set  forth,  with  great  power  and 
eloquence,  the  same  doctrines  which  are  defended 
in  the  Federalist.  The  most  remarkable  are  those 
in  which  he  vindicated  the  constitutional  stability 
and  permanency  of  the  United  States  Senate ;  and 
clearly  proved  that  the  organization  of  that  branch 
of  the  government  ought  to  possess  sufficient  power 
to  correct  the  prejudices,  to  control  the  passions, 
and  to  resist  the  fluctuations  of  the  popular  branch 
of  the  government.* 

*  See  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  by  J.  C.  Hamilton,  7  vols. 
8vo.  Vol.  II.  p.  467. 


18 


206  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER   X. 

THE  FIRST  ELECTION  OF  FEDERAL  OFFICERS — RELUCTANCE  OF  WASHING- 
TON TO  ACCEPT  THE  PRESIDENCY — HIS  LETTERS  ON  THE  SUBJECT — 
WASHINGTON  IS  ELECTED  PRESIDENT — STATE  OF  PARTIES  IN  THE 
UNITED  STATES  AT  THAT  TIME — SELECTION  OF  WASHINGTON'S  CABINET 
— HAMILTON  CHOSEN  SECRETARY  OF  THE  TREASURY — HIS  FIRST  RE- 
PORT ON  PUBLIC  CREDIT — HIS  REPORT  ON  THE  REVENUES — ORIGIN  OP 
THE  ANIMOSITY  BETWEEN  HAMILTON  AND  JEFFERSON — HAMILTON'S  RE- 
PORT ON  A  NATIONAL  BANK — CONTROVERSY  RESPECTING  STATE  POWER 
ANll  FEDERAL  RIGHTS — FIERCE  CONFLICTS  IN  WASHINGTON'S  CABINET — 
BIS  ATTEMPT  TO  HARMONIZE  ITS  MEMBERS. 

AFTER  the  adoption  of  the  federal  Constitution, 
the  next  step  in  the  progress  of  the  government,  in 
1789,  was  the  election  of  federal  officers.  The 
unanimous  voice  of  a  grateful  nation  loudly 
invited  "Washington  to  occupy  the  highest  seat 
within  their  gift.  He  alone  possessed  the  full  and 
absolute  confidence  of  the  whole  people,  as  yet  dis- 
trustful and  suspicious  of  the  rival  claims  and  in 
terests  of  sections ;  and  it  was  believed  that  he 
alone  possessed  the  intelligence,  patriotism,  firm- 
ness, knowledge  of  the  wants  of  the  whole  con- 
federacy, and  the  experience  which  the  crisis  de- 
manded. 

Nothing  but  a  high  sense  of  public  duty  induced 


OP    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  207 

the  Father  of  his  country  to  accept  the  proffered 
elevation.  He  was  then  fifty-seven  years  of  age. 
He  had  borne  the  innumerable  labors  and  trials  of 
the  revolutionary  struggle,  and  had  now  retired  ta 
the  shades  of  private  life,  to  enjoy  the  tranquillity 
and  repose  which  he  so  much  needed ;  yet,  ever  true 
to  the  behests  of  a  lofty  and  unselfish  patriotism,  he 
was  willing  to  make  any  sacrifice  which  his  country 
might  demand  of  him.  On  the  30th  of  April,  1789, 
he  took  the  oath  of  office,  and  entered  on  the  per- 
formance of  his  duties.  Profound  wisdom  and 
prudence  characterized  all  his  acts  from  the  mo- 
ment of  his  entrance  into  office.  To  one  of  those 
who,  previous  to  his  inauguration,  had  requested  an 
appointment  under  government,  he  replied  in  the 
following  impressive  language  : 

"  Should  it  become  absolutely  necessary  for  me  to 
occupy  the  station  in  which  your  letter  presupposes 
me,  I  have  determined  to  go  into  it  perfectly  free 
from  all  engagements,  of  every  nature  whatsoever. 

"If  I  declined  the  task  it  would  be  upon  quite 
another  principle.  Notwithstanding  my  advanced 
season  of  life,  my  increasing  fondness  for  agricul- 
tural amusements,  and  my  growing  love  of  retire- 
ment augment  and  confirm  my  decided  predilec- 
tion for  the  character  of  a  private  citizen,  yet  it 
will  be  no  one  of  these  motives,  nor  the  hazard  to 


208  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

which  my  former  reputation  might  be  exposed,  or 
the  "terror  of  encountering  new  fatigues  and  trou- 
bles, that  would  deter  me  from  an  acceptance ;  but, 
that  a  belief  that  some  other  person,  who  had  less 
pretense  and  less  inclination  to  be  excused,  could 
execute  all  the  duties  full  as  satisfactorily  as  myself. 
To  say  more  would  be  indiscreet,  as  a  disclosure  of 
a  refusal  beforehand  might  incur  the  application  of 
the  fable  in  which  the  fox  is  represented  as  under- 
valuing the  grapes  he  could  not  reach.  You  will 
perceive,  my  dear  sir,  by  what  is  here  observed  (and 
which  you  will  be  pleased  to  consider  in  the  light 
of  a  confidential  communication)  that  my  inclina- 
tions will  dispose  and  decide  me  to  remain  as  I  am, 
unless  a  clear  and  insurmountable  conviction  should 
be  impressed  on  my  mind  that  some  very  disa- 
greeable consequences  must,  in  all  human  proba- 
bility, result  from  the  indulgence  of  my  wishes." 

In  answer  to  a  letter  from  General  Lincoln,  on  the 
same  subject,  he  thus  expressed  himself,  in  language 
so  earnest  and  with  feeling  so  intense,  as  to  leave 
no  room  for"  suspicion  that  he  sincerely  desired  to 
escape  further  honors,  and  repose  amid  the  tran- 
quil shades  of  his  estate.  "  I  would  willingly  pass 
ove»  :n  silence  that  part  of  your  letter  in  which 
you  mention  the  persons  who  are  candidates  for  the 
two  first  ofiices  in  the  executive,  if  I  did  not  fear 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  209 

the  omission  might  seem  to  betray  a  want  of  confi 
dence.  Motives  of  delicacy  have  prevented  me 
hitherto  from  conversing,  or  writing  on  this  subject, 
whenever  I  could  avoid  it  with  decency.  I  may, 
however,  with  great  sincerity,  and  I  belive  without 
offending  against  modesty,  or  propriety,  say  to  you, 
that  I  most  heartily  wish  the  choice  to  which  you 
allude  might  not  fall  upon  me ;  and  that  if  it  should, 
I  must  reserve  to  myself  the  right  of  making  up 
my  final  decision,  at  the  last  moment,  when  it  can 
be  brought  into  one  view,  and  when  the  expediency 
or  inexpediency  of  a  refusal  can  be  more  judiciously 
determined  than  at  present.  But  be  assured,  my 
dear  sir,  if  from  any  inducement  I  shall  be  per- 
suaded ultimately  to  accept,  it  will  not  be  (so  far  as 
I  know  my  own  heart)  from  any  of  a  private  or  per- 
sonal nature.  Every  personal  consideration  con- 
spires to  rivet  me  (if  I  may  use  the  expression)  to 
retirement.  At  my  time  of  life,  and  under  my  cir- 
cumstances, nothing  in  this  world  can  ever  draw  me 
from  it,  unless  it  be  a  conviction  that  the  partiality  of 
my  countrymen  had  made  my  services  absolutely 
necessary,  joined  to  a  fear  that  my  refusal  might 
induce  a  belief  that  I  preferred  the  conservation  of 
my  own  reputation  and  private  ease  to  the  good  of 
my  country.  After  all,  if  I  should  conceive  myself 
in  a  manner  constrained  to  accept,  I  call  heaven  to 
18* 


210  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

witness  that  this  very  act  would  be  the  greatest  sa- 
crifice of  my  personal  feelings  and  wishes  that  ever 
I  have  been  called  upon  to  make.  It  would  be  to 
forego  repose  and  domestic  enjoyment  for  trouble, 
perhaps  for  public  obloquy :  for,  I  should  consider 
myself  as  entering  upon  an  unexplored  field,  en- 
veloped on  every  side  with  clouds  and  darkness. 

"  From  this  embarrassing  situation  I  had  natu- 
rally supposed  that  my  declarations  at  the  close  of 
the  war  would  have  saved  me ;  and  that  my  sincere 
intentions,  then  publicly  made  known,  would  have 
effectually  precluded  me  forever  afterward  from 
being  looked  upon  as  a  candidate  for  any  office. 
This  hope,  as  a  last  anchor  of  worldly  happiness  in 
old  age,  I  had  still  carefully  preserved,  until  the 
public  papers,  and  private  letters  from  my  corres- 
pondents, in  almost  every  quarter,  taught  me  to 
apprehend  that  I  might  soon  be  obliged  to  answer 
the  question,  whether  I  would  go  again  into  public 
life  or  not." 

In  his  answer  to  a  letter  from  Lafayette,  press- 
ing him  on  the  same  point,  he  repeats  the  same 
sentiments  with  this  addition:  "Nothing  short  of 
a  conviction  of  duty  will  induce  me  again  to  take 
an  active  part  in  public  affairs.  And,  in  that  case, 
if  I  can  form  a  plan  for  my  own  conduct,  my  en 
deavors  shall  be  unremittingly  exerted  (even  at  the 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  211 

hazard  of  former  fame  or  present  popularity)  to  ex- 
tricate my  country  from  the  embarrassments  in 
which  it  is  entangled  through  want  of  credit,  and 
to  establish  a  general  system  of  policy  which,  if 
pursued,  will  insure  permanent  felicity  to  the  com- 
monwealth. I  think  I  see  a  path,  as  clear  and  as 
direct  as  a  ray  of  light,  which  leads  to  the  attain- 
ment of  that  object.  Nothing  but  harmony,  honesty, 
industry,  and  frugality  are  necessary  to  make  us 
a  great  and  happy  people.  Happily,  the  present 
posture  of  afl'airs,  and  the  prevailing  disposition  of 
my  countrymen,  promise  to  co-operate  in  establish- 
ing those  four  great  and  essential  pillars  of  public 
felicity." 

At  length  the  election  for  electors  of  President 
and  Vice-President,  under  the  new  Constitution, 
took  place ;  and  on  the  6th  of  April,  1789,  the  votes 
were  opened  and  counted  in  the  Senate ;  when  it 
appeared  that  George  Washington  was  unanimously 
elected  President  of  the  United  States  by  the  people, 
and  John  Adams  chosen  Yice-President,  to  serve 
for  four  years  from  the  4th  of  March,  1789. 

"When  we  consider  the  existing  animosity  of  .par- 
ties, the  great  proportion  of  the  people  who  were  al- 
ready arrayed  under  the  banners  of  the  anti-federal- 
its,  and  the  violent  efforts  which  were  made  to  impede 
the  first  operations  of  the  new  Constitution,  it  will 


212  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

excite  some  surprise,  that  even  the  great  popular 
weight  of  Washington's  character  should  have 
frowned  down  all  opposition  to  him ;  and  that  the 
people  of  so  immense  and  diversified  a  region  of 
country  should  have  united,  without  a  dissenting 
voice  among  the  electors,  in  conferring  upon  him  the 
supreme  executive  power  of  the  Union. 

As  affording  some  evidence  of  the  reluctance 
with  which  he  consented  to  assume  this  new  dignity, 
and  as  illustrative  of  that  modesty  and  diffidence 
which  were  natural  to  his  great  mind,  we  quote  an 
extract  from  one  of  his  letters  to  General  Knox, 
upon  the  subject  of  his  elevation  to  office.  "I  feel 
for  those  members  of  the  new  Congress  who, 
hitherto,  have  given  an  unavailing  attendance  at 
the  theatre  of  action.  For  myself,  the  delay  may 
be  compared  to  a  reprieve ;  for,  in  confidence,  I 
tell  you  (with  the  world  it  would  obtain  little  credit] 
that  my  movements  to  the  chair  of  government  will 
be  accompanied  by  feelings  not  unlike  those  of  a 
culprit  who  is  going  to  the  place  of  his  execution ; 
so  unwilling  am  I,  in  the  evening  of  life,  nearly 
consumed  in  public  cares,  to  quit  a  peaceful  abode 
for  an  ocean  of  difficulties,  without  that  competency 
of  political  skill,  abilities,  and  inclinations,  which  are 
necessary  to  manage  the  helm.  I  am  sensible  that 
I  am  embarking  the  voice  of  the  people,  and  a  good 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  213 

name  of  my  own  on  this  voyage;  but, what  returns 
will  be  made  for  them,  Heaven  alone  can  foretell. 
Integrity  and  firmness  are  all  I  can  promise.  These, 
be  the  voyage  long  or  short,  shall  never  forsake  me, 
although  I  may  be  deserted  by  all  men ;  for,  of  the 
consolations  which  are  to  be  derived  from  these, 
under  any  circumstances,  the  world  cannot  deprive 
me." 

His  election  was  announced  to  him  at  Mount 
Vernon,  on  the  14th  of  April,  1789,  by  Charles 
Thompson,  Secretary  of  the  late  Congress ;  and 
two  days  afterward  he  set  out  to  assume  the  duties 
of  government,  accompanied  by  Mr.  Thompson  and 
Colonel  Humphreys.  In  his  diary  he  has  thus 
described  his  feelings  upon  this  eventful  occasion: 
"  About  ten  o'clock,  I  bade  adieu  to  Mount  Vernon, 
to  private  life,  and  to  domestic  felicity,  and,  with  a 
mind  oppressed  with  more  anxious  and  painful  sensa- 
tions than  I  have  words  to  express,  set  out  for  New 
York  in  company  with  Mr.  Thompson  and  Colonel 
Humphreys,  with  the  best  dispositions  to  render 
service  to  my  country,  in  obedience  to  its  call,  but 
with  less  hope  of  answering  its  expectations." 

"We  have  already  adverted  to  the  two  great  parties 
into  which  the  country  was  divided ;  one  in  favor 
of  the  sovereignty  of  the  States,  and  the  other  inclin- 
ing to  invest  the  federal  government  with  powers  so 


214  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

absolute  and  unlimited,  as  to  make  the  Union  para- 
mount, and  reduce  the  States  to  entire  subserviency 
to  the  Union ;  one  being  in  favor  of  the  nation — 
the  other  giving  the  preference  to  a  cluster  of  inde- 
pendent republics.  Hence  a  wide  contrariety  of 
opinion  necessarily  prevailed  as  to  the  measures  to  be 
adopted  to  sesure  union  without  endangering  liberty. 

Many  of  the  officers  of  the  army  had  been  elected 
to  the  Congress  of  1783,  and  these  formed  the  head 
of  that  party  which  inclined  to  invest  supreme 
power  in  the  federal  government. 

At  the  head  of  this  party,  for  such  it  indubitably 
was,  stood  Washington  aud  Hamilton,  both  unsur- 
passed in  genius  and  talent — unrivaled  in  purity  and 
patriotism. 

"We  have  alluded  to  the  manner  in  which  the 
military  attitude  of  Washington  and  his  contact  with 
the  civil  power  had  gradually  invited  him  into 
speculations  on  government  peculiar  to  the  practical 
statesman  ;  and  that  sad  experience  of  the  evils  of  a 
relaxed  syslem  of  polity  had  deeply  imbued  his 
mind  in  favor  of  that  high-toned  authority  which 
approves  of  martial  discipline  and  vigor.  In  ac- 
cordance with  these  ideas,  prompted  by  his  extreme 
solicitude  for  the  good  of  his  country,  he  addressed, 
on  the  8th  of  June,  1783,  a  circular  letter  to  the 
governors  of  the  several  States  respectively,  from 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  215 

wLich  we  introduce  the  following  extracts.  Speak- 
ing of  the  option  of  government  left  to  the  United 
States,  he  says:  "This  is  the  time  of  their  politi- 
cal probation ;  this  is  the  moment  when  the 
eyes  of  the  whole  world  are  turned  upon  them  ; 
this  is  the  moment  to  establish  or  ruin  their  na- 
tional character  forever;  this  is  the  favorable  mo- 
ment to  give  such  a  tone  to  our  federal  government 
as  will  enable  it  to  answer  the  ends  of  its  institu- 
tion, or  this  may  be  the  ill-fated  moment  for  relax- 
ing the  powers  of  the  Union,  annihilating  the  ce- 
ment of  the  confederation  and  exposing  us  to  become 
the  sport  of  European  politics,  which  may  play  one 
State  against  another  to  prevent  their  growing  im- 
portance, and  to  serve  their  own  interested  purposes. 
For,  according  to  the  system  of  policy  the  States 
shall  adopt  at  this  moment,  they  will  stand  or  fall; 
and  by  their  confirmation  or  -lapse,  it  is  yet  to  be 
decided  whether  the  Revolution  must  ultimately 
be  considered  as  a  blessing  or  a  curse — a  blessing  or 
a  curse,  not  to  the  present  age  alone,  for  with 
our  fate  will  the  destiny  of  unborn  millions  be  in- 
volved. 

"There  are  four  things  which  I  humbly  conceive 
are  essential  to  the  well-being,  I  may  even  venture  to 
say  to  the  existence  of  the  United  States  as  an  in- 
dependent power. 


216  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

"  1st.  An  indissoluble  Union  of  the  States  under 
one  federal  head. 

"2d.  A  sacred  regard  to  public  justice. 

"  3d.  The  adoption  of  a  proper  peace  establish- 
ment ;  and 

"  4th.  The  prevalence  of  that  pacific  and  friendly 
disposition  among  the  people  of  the  United  States, 
which  will  induce  them  to  forget  their  local  prejudices 
and  politics,  to  make  those  mutual  concessions  which 
are  requisite  to  the  general  prosperity,  and  in  some  in- 
stances to  sacrifice  their  individual  advantages  to  the 
interest  of  the  community. 

"  These  are  the  pillars  on  which  the  glorious 
fabric  of  our  independency  and  national  character 
must  be  supported.  Liberty  is  the  basis,  and  who- 
ever would  dare  to  sap  the  foundation,  or  overturn 
the  structure,  under  whatever  specious  pretext  he 
may  attempt  it,  will  merit  the  bitterest  execration, 
and  the  severest  puishment  which  can  be  inflicted 
by  his  injured  country." 

Such  sentiments  as  these  not  only  ennoble  and 
dignify,  but  Immortalize  their  author;  and  whatever 
prejudices  he  may  have  cherished  in  favor  of  a  vig- 
orous authority  in  the  Union,  they  were  more  than 
atoned  for  by  the  purity  of  his  patriotism,  and  by 
the  exalted  honesty  of  his  purposes. 

Again  in  the  same  letter,  breathing  nothing  but 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  217 

the  loftiest  patriotism,  he  says :  "  It  is  only  in  our 
united  character  that  we  are  known  as  an  empire, 
that  our  independence  is  acknowledged,  that  our 
power  can  be  regarded,  or  our  credit  supported 
among  foreign  nations.  The  treaties  of  the  Eu- 
ropean powers  with  the  United  States  of  America 
will  have  no  validity  on  a  dissolution  of  the  Union. 
"We  shall  be  left  nearly  in  a  state  of  nature,  or  we 
may  find,  by  our  own  unhappy  experience,  that  there 
is  a  natural  and  necessary  progression  from  the  ex- 
treme of  anarchy  to  the  extreme  of  tyranny,  and 
that  arbitrary  power  is  most  easily  established  on 
the  ruins  of  liberty  abused  to  licentiousness." 

Other  and  stronger  letters  from  his  friends  in  dif- 
ferent sections  of  the  Union  pressed  him  upon  the 
same  point;  and  among  other  reasons  urged  by  his 
friend  Colonel  Lee,  was  the  apprehension  that  the 
rally  of  the  enemies  of  the  Constitution,  which  was 
made  in  the  several  States  in  opposition  to  the  new 
Constitution,  would  certainly  prove  but  too  success- 
ful were  any  other  less  popular  character  placed  in 
the  presidential  chair. 

In  his  reply  to  the  letter  of  Colonel  Lee,  General 
"Washington  remarks:  "Your  observations,  on  the 
solemnity  of  the  crisis  and  its  application  to  myself, 
bring  before  me  subjects  of  the  most  momentous 
and  interesting  nature.  In  our  endeavors  to  estab- 
19 


218  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

lish  a  new  general  government,  the  contest,  nation- 
ally considered,  seems  not  to  have  been  so  much  for 
glory  as  existence.  It  was  for  a  long  time  doubtful 
whether  we  were  to  survive  as  an  independent  re- 
public, or  decline  from  our  federal  dignity  into 
insignificant  and  wretched  fragments  of  empire. 
The  adoption  of  the  Constitution  so  extensively, 
and  with  so  liberal  an  acquiescence  on  the  part  of 
the  minorities  in  general,  promised  the  former;  but 
lately  the  circular  letter  of  New  York  has  mani- 
fested, in  my  apprehension,  an  unfavorable,  if  not 
an  insidious  tendency  to  a  contrary  policy.  I  still 
hope  for  the  best;  but  before  you  mentioned  it,  I 
could  not  help  fearing  it  would  serve  as  a  standard 
to  which  the  disaffected  might  resort.  It  is  now 
evidently  the  part  of  all  honest  men,  who  are  friends 
to  the  new  Constitution,  to  endeavor  to  give  it  a 
chance  to  disclose  its  merits  and  defects,  by  carry- 
ing it  fairly  into  effect  in  the  first  instance." 

The  oath  of  office  was  administered  to  the  Presi- 
dent by  Mr.  Livingston,  Chancellor  of  the  State  of 
jSTew  York,  in  that  city,  in  presence  of  an  immense 
concourse  of  people.  John  Adams  of  Massachu- 
setts, had  been  chosen  Yice-President.  Immediately 
retiring  to  the  senate  chamber,  "Washington  ad- 
dressed both  Houses  in  an  impressive  and  appro- 
priate speech.  He  renounced  all  pecuniary  com 


OF   ALEXA^ULK    HAMILTON.  219 

pensation  for  his  services,  as  he  had  done  as  corn- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  Continental  army,  charging 
the  government  only  for  his  actual  expenses.  He 
stated  briefly  the  principles  which  should  guide 
him  in  the  administration  of  public  affairs,  and 
commended  the  interests  of  his  country  to  the  bless- 
ing of  Heaven. 

The  responses  of  the  several  Houses  were  appro- 
priate, and  in  part  as  follows  : 

In  their  answer  to  his  speech  the  Senate  say :  "  The 
unanimous  suffrage  of  the  elective  body  in  your 
favor  is  peculiarly  expressive  of  the  gratitude,  con- 
fidence, and  affection  of  the  citizens  of  America,  and 
is  the  highest  testimonial  at  once  of  your  merit  and 
their  esteem.  "We  are  sensible,  sir,  that  nothing 
but  the  voice  of  your  fellow-citizens  could  have 
called  you  from  a  retreat  chosen  with  the  fondest 
predilection,  endeared  by  habit,  and  consecrated  to 
the  repose  of  declining  years.  "We  rejoice,  and  with, 
us  all  America,  that  in  obedience  to  the  call  of  our 
common  country  you  have  returned  once  more  to 
public  life.  In  you  all  parties  confide;  in  you  all 
interests  unite ;  and  we  have  no  doubt  that  your  past 
services,  great  as  they  have  been,  will  be  equaled 
by  your  future  exertions ;  and  that  your  prudence 
and  sagacity  as  a  statesman  will  tend  to  avert  the 
dangers  to  which  we  were  exposed,  to  give  stability 


220  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

to  the  present  government,  and  dignity  and  splen- 
dor to  that  country  which  your  skill  and  valor  as  a 
soldier  so  eminently  contributed  to  raise  to  inde- 
pendence and  to  empire." 

The  answer  of  the  House  of  Representatives 
glowed  with  equal  affection  for  the  person  and  cha 
racter  of  the  President. 

"  The  representatives  of  the  people  of  the  United 
States,"  says  this  address,  "  present  their  congratu- 
lations on  the  event  by  which  your  fellow-citizens 
have  attested  the  pre-eminence  of  your  merit.  You 
have  long  held  the  first  place  in  their  esteem.  You 
have  often  received  tokens  of  their  affection.  You 
now  possess  the  only  proof  that  remained  of  their 
gratitude  for  your  services,  of  their  reverence  for 
your  wisdom,  and  of  their  confidence  in  your  vir- 
tues. You  enjoy  the  highest  because  the  truest 
honor,  of  being  the  first  magistrate  by  the  unani 
mous  choice  of  the  freest  people  on  the  face  of  the 
earth." 

The  government  being  thus  inaugurated,  "Wash- 
ington proceeded  to  nominate  the  officers  of  his 
cabinet.  From  his  letter  already  quoted  it  may 
justly  be  inferred  that  his  selections  were  made 
freely,  deliberately,  and  with  a  regard  only  to  the 
merits  of  the  candidates  and  their  ability  to  pro- 
mote the  public  welfare. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  221 

Thomas  Jefferson  was  placed  at  the  head  of  the 
department  of  Foreign  Affairs,  now  denominated 
the  Department  of  State.  Colonel  Hamilton  was 
appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  General  Knox 
was  made  Secretary  of  War.  Edmund  E-andolph 
was  chosen  Attorney-General.  John  Kutledge, 
John  "Wilson,  "William  Gushing,  Robert  Harrison, 
and  John  Blair  were  designated  as  Justices  of  the 
Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States.  John  Jay 
was  selected  to  fill  the  high  post  of  Chief 
Justice. 

In  the  peculiar  circumstances  of  financial  want  and 
derangement  in  which  the  nation  was  then  placed, 
the  most  important  post  in  the  cabinet  was  that 
assigned  by  the  impartial  and  discerning  choice  of 
"Washington  to  Mr.  Hamilton,  then  aged  thirty-two 
years.  On  him  devolved  the  ponderous  task  of  re- 
storing public  credit,  of  introducing  order  and 
arrangement  into  that  vast  mass  of  chaos  in  which 
the  finances  of  the  nation  had  been  thrown  by  the 
struggles  and  losses  of  the  Revolution,  and  its  suc- 
ceeding jealousies  and  strifes.  He  was  expected  to 
devise  means  to  obtain  a  revenue  at  once  ample 
and  secure;  and  yet  to  secure  it  without  imposing 
serious  burdens  on  the  people,  and  without  exciting 
hostility  and  jealousy  against  the  new  government 
in  any  portion  of  the  antagonistic  States.  A  more 
19* 


222  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

herculean  and  difficult  undertaking  than  this  could 
not  possibly  be  imagined  or  imposed. 

Hamilton  entered  upon  the  performance  of  his 
new  duties  with  his  usual  industry,  sagacity,  and 
success.  On  the  21st  of  September,  1789,  Congress 
passed  a  resolution  to  the  effect  that  the  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  should  submit  a  report  containing  a 
plan  for  the  support  of  the  public  credit.  In  this 
able  report  he  held,  that  it  was  agreed  by  all  parties 
that  the  foreign  debt  should  be  provided  for  accord- 
ing to  the  precise  terms  of  the  contract ;  and  it  was 
to  be  regretted  that,  in  reference  to  the  domestic 
debt,  the  same  unanimity  of  sentiment  did  not 
prevail. 

He  discussed  at  length  the  disputed  point, 
whether  a  discrimination  ought  to  be  made  between 
original  holders  of  the  public  securities  and  the 
present  possessors  by  purchase.  He  contended  that 
no  such  discrimination  should  be  made.  He  next 
proceeded  to  the  inquiry  whether  any  difference 
ought  to  be  made  between  the  creditors  of  the 
Union  and  ttiose  of  the  separate  States;  and  held 
that  no  such  difference  should  exist.  He  asserted 
that  ''both  descriptions  of  debt  were  contracted  for 
the  same  objects,  and  were  in  the  main  the.  same."* 

•  See  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  by  his  Son.     Vol.  II.  p.  200, 
et  seg. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  223 

Equity  required  the  same  measure  of  retribution  for 
all.  He  declared  that  many  potent  reasons  existed 
why  the  State  debts  contracted"  for  such  objects 
should  be  assumed  by  the  federal  government.  He 
proceeded  into  an  elaborate  discussion  of  all  the 
points  of  his  subject ;  and  proposed  as  a  remedy  for 
the  existing  debts  that  a  loan  should  be  opened  to 
the  full  amount  of  the  liabilities,  both  those  of  the 
States  and  of  the  general  government.  To  enable 
the  national  treasury  to  support  the  increased  de- 
mand which  was  thus  made  upon  it,  he  proposed 
an  increase  of  the  duties  on  imported  wines,  spirits, 
tea,  and  coffee,  as  well  as  a  duty  on  home-made 
spirits. 

This  report  of  Hamilton's  is  justly  regarded  as 
one  of  his  ablest  efforts.  It  called  forth  at  the  time 
the  most  extravagant  praise  and  the  most  bitter 
censure.  And  it  especially  deserves  attention  inas- 
much as  the  opposition  which  was  directed  against 
its  adoption,  constitutes  the  foundation  of  the  first 
systematic  resistance  to  the  principles  on  which  the 
government  was  then  administered.  On  the  8th  of 
February,  Mr.  Fitzsimmons  proposed  several  resolu- 
tions in  support  of  the  principles  asserted  in  the 
report.  The  first  of  these  referred  to  a  provision 
for  the  foreign  debt,  and  was  adopted  by  the  House 
unanimously.  The  second  was  in  favor  of  appro 


2'J4  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

printing  permanent  funds  for  the  payment  of  the 
interest  of  the  domestic  debt,  and  for  the  gradual 
redemption  of  the  principal.  This  resolution  called 
forth  the  most  determined  opposition.  It  was  as- 
serted that  the  United  States  were  not  under  obli- 
gation to  pay  their  domestic  creditors  the  sums 
specified  in  their  certificates  of  debt;  because  the 
original  holders  had  parted  with  them  for  two  shil- 
lings, sixpence  in  the  pound.  It  was  proposed  by 
others,  that  the  federal  government  should  pay  the 
present  holders  of  assignable  paper  the  highest 
price  it  had  borne  in  the  market,  and  to  give  the 
balance  to  the  original  holder.  This  proposi- 
tion, after  a  long  debate,  was  rejected  by  a  large 
majority. 

The  report  of  Ilamilton  also  recommended  that 
the  federal  government  should  assume  all  those 
debts  which  the  individual  States  had  incurred  dur- 
ing the  war,  for  the  support  of  it.  When  the  army 
had  demanded  compensation  for  the  depreciation 
of  their  pay,  this  burden,  at  the  earnest  request  of 
Congress,  had  been  assumed  by  the  respective  States. 
Some  of  the  States  had  funded  this  debt,  and  had 
paid  the  interest  on  it.  Others  had  made  no  provi- 
sion for  the  payment  of  the  interest.  But  all  had 
done  something,  by  way  of  taxes,  paper  money,  or 
purchase,  to  diminish  the  principal.  These  debts 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  225 

Hamilton  now  proposed  should  be  resumed  by 
Congress.  The  resolution  which  was  offered  in 
the  House,  having  reference  to  this  portion  of  the 
secretary's  report,  unchained  the  fiercest  passions 
of  men,  and  convulsed  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  and  the  nation  itself,  with  strange  and  un- 
seemly violence ;  for  it  held  that  these  State  debts 
ought  to  be  assumed  by  the  general  government. 
It  was  condemned  on  various  grounds.  Its  uncon- 
stitutionally was  loudly  asserted.  It  was  affirmed  that 
by  this  assumption  the  general  government  would 
acquire  a  dangerous  and  preponderating  power,  and 
that  the  consequence  and  influence  of  the  State  go- 
vernments would  be  perniciously  diminished. 

After  a  long  and  fierce  discussion,  the  resolution 
was  finally  carried  by  a  small  majority.  But  very 
soon  after  its  passage  the  representatives  from  the 
State  of  North  Carolina  arrived,  and  took  their 
seats  in  Congress.  The  resolution  was  then  recom- 
mitted, and  then  after  another  protracted  debate  it 
was  lost  by  a  small  majority.  It  was  afterward 
brought  forward  again  under  the  modified  form  of 
allowing  the  general  government  to  assume  specific 
sums  from  each  State ;  but  this  attempt  also  failed, 
and  the  bill  was  finally  sent  to  the  Senate,  containing 
a  provision  for  those  creditors  only  whose  certificates 


226  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  debt  purported  to  be  payable  by  the  United 
States. 

After  the  defeat  of  General  St.  Clair  in  the  war 
for  the  defense  of  the  northwest  frontier,  against  the 
Miami  Indians,  Washington  recommended  the  aug- 
mentation of  the  national  forces.  This  proposition 
created  the  most  furious  and  bitter  hostility;  but  was 
finally  passed.  The  increased  expenses  of  the  war  thus 
demanded  an  increase  of  the  revenue ;  and  the  com- 
mittee to  whom  the  subject  was  referred,  offered  a 
resolution  directing  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
to  report  his  opinion  as  to  the  best  method  of  rais- 
ing those  supplies  which  the  increased  expenses  of 
the  government  demanded. 

Mr.  Hamilton  accordingly  made  his  report.  He 
recommended  an  increase  of  the  duties  on  the  im- 
ports. This  report  was  referred  to  a  committee  of 
the  whole  House  in  which  resolutions  were  passed, 
which  were  intended  to  form  the  basis  of  a  bill. 
Hamilton  had  recommended  that  the  appropriation 
of  funds  for  the  payment  of  the  interest  and  the 
gradual  redemption  of  the  principal  of  the  national 
debt,  should  be  not  only  sufficient  but  also  perma- 
nent. After  a  full  discussion,  thirty-one  members 
voted  in  favor  of  limiting  the  duration  of  the  bill, 
and  thirty  against  it.  The  motion  was  lost  by  the 
vote  of  the  Speaker  of  the  House. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  227 

It  was  during  the  progress  of  the  year  1790  that 
the  irreconcilable  hostility  arose  between  Mr.  Jef- 
ferson, the  Secretary  of  State,  and  Mr.  Hamilton. 
Their  differences  originated  at  an  early  stage  of  the 
administration,  and  they  grew  in  fierceness  with 
the  progress  of  time.  It  may  have  arisen,  in  the 
first  instance,  from  personal  dislike  and  jealousy 
between  those  distinguished  men,  and  from  minor 
differences  in  their  policy.  But  soon  their  measures 
became  so  widely  incongruous,  that  it  seems  strange 
that  they  could  have  acted  with  any  efficiency  in 
the  same  Cabinet.  Mr.  Jefferson  probably  felt  the 
overshadowing  power  of  Hamilton's  genius,  and  the 
effect  of  his  supreme  influence  with  the  President. 
Mr.  Jefferson  was  an  ultra  democrat.  He  enter- 
tained no  fears  as  to  the  stability  of  the  government. 
He  had  the  most  unbounded  confidence  of  the  abi- 
lity of  the  masses  to  rule  themselves.  He  thought 
that  the  people  could  not  err.  He  felt  no  appre- 
hensions of  the  undue  encroachments  of  the  popu- 
lar power;  no  jealousy  of  the  State  sovereignties 
curtailing  the  authority  of  the  central  or  federal  go- 
vernment. His  constant  policy,  like  that  of  Gover- 
nor George  Clinton  of  New  York,  seems  to  have 
been  to  limit  and  hamper  the  exercise  of  the  powers  ' 
vested  in  the  government  of  the  United  States,  as 
being  the  only  possible  source  whence  danger  to 


228  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES 

the  liberties  of  the  people  might  arise.  On  the 
contrary,  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  firm  advocate  of  a 
general  government  which  should  possess  in  itself 
sufficient  powers  and  resources  to  maintain  the 
credit  and  secure  the  unity  and  prosperity  of  the 
whole  nation.  He  had  long  observed  the  evils  which 
resulted  from  the  absolute  sovereignty  of  the  States, 
and  of  the  injury  which  resulted  from  their  dispo- 
sition and  ability  to  exercise  a  pernicious  control 
over  every  measure  of  the  general  government. 
He  also  thought  that  the  habits  and  feelings  of  the 
American  people  were  then  calculated  to  inspire 
prepossessions  in  favor  of  State  interests,  rather 
than  the  national  welfare. 

This  schism  in  the  members  of  the  administra- 
tion was  loudly  supported  by  their  respective  par- 
tisans of  the  press.  The  Gazette  of  the  United 
States  defended  the  policy  of  Hamilton.  The  Na 
tional  Gazette,  edited  by  a  clerk  in  the  Department 
of  State,  was  arrayed  on  the  side  of  Mr.  Jefferson. 
The  minor  papers  of  the  country  took  sides  with 
the  one  or  the  other  of  these  great  journals,  accord- 
ing to  their  respective  views.  This  discord  in  his 
cabinet  was  a  source  of  much  regret  and  sorrow  to 
"Washington.  He  foresaw  its  consequences,  but 
was  unable  to  heal  the  difficulty.  The  whisky 
insurrection  in  the  western  part  of  Pennsylvania, 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  229 

resulted  from  the  high  state  of  excitement  which 
then  pervaded  the  public  mind  in  reference  to  the 
execution  of  the  laws  imposing  a  duty  on  spirits 
distilled  within  the  United  States. 

On  the  5th  November,  1790,  Congress  again  con- 
vened. Shortly  after  its  opening  a  motion  was 
made  to  the  effect,  that  measures  for  the  reduction 
of  so  much  of  the  public  debt  as  the  United  States 
have  a  right  to  redeem  ought  to  be  adopted ;  and 
that  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  be  directed  to 
report  a  plan  for  that  purpose.  In  his  report,  in 
response  to  this  order,  Hamilton  proposed  that  the 
internal  taxes  should  be  extended  either  to  plea- 
sure horses  or  to  pleasure  carriages,  as  the  legisla- 
ture might  consider  most  suitable. 

On  the  13th  December,  1790,  Hamilton  submitted 
to  Congress  his  views  in  reference  to  the  establish- 
ment of  a  National  Bank,  in  accordance  with  a  call 
made  on  him  by  that  body  upon  the  subject.  In 
that  report  every  argument  which  was  adapted  to 
prove  the  utility  and  expediency  of  such  an  insti- 
tution was  most  ably  and  clearly  set  forth.  His 
report  was  indeed  so  profound,  and  so  completely 
exhausted  the  wrhole  subject,  that  all  the  discus- 
sions \vhich  have  since  taken  place  in  reference  to 
it,  are  merely  variations  and  reiterations  of  what 
lie  himself  advanced.  Many  arguments  were  used 
20 


230  THE   LIFE   AXD  TIMES 

against  the  adoption  of  his  proposition.  It  was 
held  to  be  decisive  against  it,  that  no  express  au- 
thority had  been  given  to  the  general  government 
to  create  a  bank.  The  constitutionality  of  such  an 
institution  was  denied.  Mr.  Madison  was  the  chief 
opponent  of  the  bank ;  and  yet  it  may  be  observed, 
that  afterward,  when  President  of  the  United 
States,  he  himself  frequently  recommended  the 
establishment  of  similar  institutions  as  the  only  re- 
medy for  the  financial  troubles  of  the  community, 
and  himself  signed  the  charter  of  the  second  Bank 
of  the  United  States.  The  charter  of  the  bank 
proposed  by  Hamilton  at  length  passed  both  Houses 
of  Congress;  it  then  received  the  approval  of  Wash- 
ington; and  has  since  been  indorsed  by  the  favor- 
able legal  judgments  of  Chief  Justices  Jay,  Ellsworth, 
and  Marshall.  The  first  Bank  of  the  United  States 
was  chartered  for  twenty  years.  Its  capital  was  ten 
millions,  in  shares  of  four  hundred  dollars  each. 
The  installment  certificates  were  in  such  great  de- 
mand that  they  rose  to  an  advance  of  two  hundred 
dollars,  on  the  first  payment  of  twenty-five  dollars. 
Branches,  under  the  titles  of  offices  of  discount  and 
deposit,  were  established  in  the  chief  cities  of  the 
United  States.  The  chief  bank  was  located  in 
Philadelphia,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  the  federal 
government. 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  231 

The  debate  on  this  question  again  arrayed  par- 
ties in  fierce  opposition,  and  even  divided  the  cabi- 
net to  a  degree  that  menaced  its  total  rupture. 
Washington  took  the  opinion  of  his  constitutional 
advisers  on  this  important  question.  Mr.  Jefferson 
and  Mr.  Randolph  were  of  opinion  that  Congress, 
by  the  passage  of  the  bill,  had  obviously  trans- 
cended the  powers  vested  in  them  by  the  constitu- 
tion. On  the  other  hand,  General  Hamilton  main- 
tained it  to  be  purely  constitutional.  The  President 
required  from  each  their  arguments  in  writing,  which 
being  submitted,  his  habitual  propensity  to  add 
vigor  to  the  Union,  inclined  him  to  the  conviction 
that  the  bank  was  fully  authorized  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, and  he  accordingly  gave  the  sanction  of  his 
signature  to  the  act  of  incorporation.  It  cannot  be 
doubted,  however,  that  his  mind  had  been  long  pre- 
determined in  favor  of  the  measure;  and  that  how- 
ever he  might  hold  his  judgment  open  to  a  convic- 
tion of  its  illegality,  should  it  be  made  so  to  appear 
to  him ;  yet  that  his  wishes  and  affections  toward 
it,  as  a  favorite  feature  of  his  federal  policy,  had 
closed  those  avenues  to  conviction  which  can  only 
bias  the  understanding  when  the  feelings  are  neutral, 
and  the  desires  uninfluenced  toward  a  particular 
conclusion. 

The    controversy  on   Federal   Power  and   State 


232  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Rights  was  now  started  afresh  on  the  Bank  question , 
and  federalism  and  anti- federalism  were  discussed 
through  all  their  aspects  by  enthusiastic  champions  , 
the  sovereignty  of  the  States  being  supposed  by 
the  latter  to  constitute  the  palladium  of  liberty, 
and  the  supremacy  and  power  of  the  Union  being 
deemed  essential  by  the  latter  to  the  preservation  of 
law,  order,  justice,  property,  subordination,  and  peace. 

The  scheme  of  the  National  Bank  was  hailed  with 
rapture  by  those  who  had  become  suddenly  en- 
riched by  the  funding  of  the  public  debt ;  and  in 
proportion  as  it  strengthened  the  moneyed  interest, 
did  it  provoke  the  hostility  and  censure  of  the  mid- 
dle and  poorer  classes,  in  whom  are  often  to  be 
found  the  sincere  advocates  of  the  true  principles  of 
rational  liberty. 

From  this  moment  of  the  incorporation  of  the 
Bank  of  the  United  States,  parties  thenceforth  as- 
sumed their  perfect  forms  of  organization  and  prin- 
ciples. 

From  this  period  also  we  may  date  an  irre- 
concilable rupture  between  Mr.  Jefferson  and 
General  Hamilton  ;  the  former  the  vigorous  oppo- 
nent, and  the  latter  the  resolute  advocate,  of  the 
banking  and  funding  system. 

Washington  now  made  an  excursion  into  the 
I*  Mithern  States,  subsequently  to  the  dissolution  of 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  233 

the  first  Congress,  on  the  3d  of  March,  1791;  where 
his  reception  by  men  of  all  parties,  proved  the  fact 
that  he  united  all  hearts;  and  that  however  the 
measures  or  the  Constitution  of  government  might 
be  censured  and  disapproved,  none  would  refuse  to 
pour  the  grateful  homage  of  their  hearts  into  the 
bosom  of  their  veteran  chief. 

The  second  Congress  assembled  in  Philadelphia 
on  the  24th  of  October,  1791.  The  apportionment 
bill  now  proved  another  cause  of  excitement,  and 
divided  parties'  by  a  broad  line  of  separation.  In 
this  debate  Mr.  Giles,  who  was  in  favor  of  a  full 
representation  of  the  people,  used  these  arguments ; 
that  the  corruption  of  the  British  parliament  was 
not  owing  to  their  numbers,  but  other  causes,  and 
"  among  these  were  the  frequent  mortgages  of  the 
funds,  and  the  immense  appropriations  at  the  disposal 
of  the  executive."  "  An  inequality  of  circumstances," 
he  continued,  "  produces  revolutions  in  govern- 
ments, from  democracy  to  aristocracy  and  monarchy. 
Great  wealth  produces  a  desire  of  distinctions,  rank 
and  titles.  The  revolutions  of  property  in  this 
country  have  created  a  prodigious  inequality  of  cir- 
cumstances. Government  has  contributed  to  this 
inequality.  The  Bank  of  the  United  States  is  a 
most  important  machine  in  promoting  the  objects  of 
this  moneyed  interest.  This  bank  will  be  the  most 
20* 


234  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

powerful  engine  to  corrupt  this  House.  Some  of 
the  members  are  directors  of  this  institution ;  and 
it  will  only  be  by  increasing  the  representation  that 
an  adequate  barrier  can  be  opposed  to  this  moneyed 
interest.  The  strong  executive  of  this  govern 
ment  ought  to  be  balanced  by  a  full  representation 
in  this  House." 

The  defeat  of  General  St.  Clair,  who  had  been 
dispatched  against  the  hostile  Miami  Indians,  now 
threw  a  momentary  gloom  over  the  administration 
of  Washington ;  and  Congress  proceeded  to  aug- 
ment the  army  to  five  thousand  men ;  after  which  on 
the  8th  of  May,  1792,  that  body  adjourned  to  the 
first  Monday  in  November. 

Every  day  added  virulence  and  asperity  to  the 
opposition  of  parties;  and  as  new  measures  de- 
veloped more  fully  the  discrepancy  of  their  princi- 
ples, so  did  they  augment  the  inveteracy  of  their 
mutual  dislike  ;  and  while  we  confess  the  truth,  we 
must  also  deplore  the  fact,  that  the  power  of  interest 
rather  than  the  love  of  truth,  or  the  practice  pf 
virtue,  engendered  their  animosity,  and  eventually 
exasperated  differences  of  opinion  into  an  implacable 
hostility  of  feeling  and  passion. 

The  complaints  of  the  opposition,  however,  were 
not  destitute  of  some  substantial  and  established  facts 
to  sustain  them.  The  creation  of  the  national  debt,  by 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  235 

the  funding  of  the  depreciated  public  responsibili- 
ties, had  engendered,  it  was  alleged,  a  necessity  for 
taxation  on  the  people,  when  there  existed  no  neces- 
sity for  funding,  in  order  to  make  the  rich  more 
affluent  and  the  poor  more  needy;  besides  being 
the  assumption  of  a  debt  which  properly  belonged  to 
the  individual  States.  Funding  naturally  led  to  ex- 
cise, and  begat  a  series  of  oppressive  taxes  which 
excited  public  clamor,  and  might  produce  a  civil 
\var ;  besides  which  such  taxes  were  partial  in  their 
operation,  and  must  be  unproductive  unless  extorted 
by  arbitrary  means,  and  wrung  from  the  hand  of 
labor  at  the  point  of  the  sword.  In  truth  the 
ground  of  opposition  included  the  best  principles  of 
humanity,  benevolence,  peace,  and  industry,  against 
abstract  equity,  rigid  justice,  and  the  inflexible 
severity  of  efficient  power,  ready  to  punish  with 
death  for  the  inability  to  comply  with  exorbitant 
demands. 

Other  grounds  of  opposition  were  also  advanced, 
but  were  less  tenable  and  more  resolvable  into  the 
spirit  of  party  than  based  on  the  solid  principles  of 
liberty,  or  the  incontestable  dictates  of  reason.  A 
qualified  exception,  however,  must  be  made  to  this 
remark  in  the  case  of  the  Bank  of  the  United 
States  ;  and  in  order  to  escape  any  imputation  of 
prejudice,  we  shall  cite,  in  the  words  of  Judge  Mar- 


236  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

shall  himself,  as  we  have  previously  done  on  several 
occasions  from  the  same  motive. 

The  opposition  contended  that :  "  The  banish- 
ment of  coin  would  he  completed  by  ten  millions  of 
paper  money  in  the  form  of  bank  bills,  which  were 
then  issuing  into  circulation.  Nor  would  this  be 
the  only  mischief  resulting  from  the  institution  of 
the  bank.  The  ten  or  twelve  per  cent,  annual  profit 
paid  to  the  lenders  of  this  paper  medium,  would  be 
taken  out  of  the  pockets  of  the  people,  who  would 
have  had  without  interest,  the  coin  it  was  banish- 
ing; that  all  the  capital  employed  in  paper  circu- 
lation is  barren  and  useless,  producing  like  that  on 
a  gaming  table,  no  accession  to  itself,  and  is  with- 
drawn from  commerce  and  agriculture,  where  it 
would  have  produced  addition  to  the  common  mass. 
The  wealth,  therefore,  heaped  upon  individuals  by 
the  funding  and  banking  systems  would  be  produc- 
tive of  general  poverty  and  distress ;  and  that  in  ad- 
dition to  the  encouragement  these  measures  gave  to 
vice  and  idleness,  they  had  furnished  effectual 
means  of  corrupting  such  a  portion  of  the  Legisla- 
ture as  turned  the  balance  between  the  honest 
voters.  This  corrupt  squadron  deciding  the  voice 
of  the  Legislature,  had  manifested  their  dispositions 
to  get  rid  of  the  limitations  imposed  by  the  Consti- 
tution ;  limitations  on  the  faith  of  which  the  States 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  237 

acceded  to  that  instrument.  They  were  pro- 
ceeding rapidly  in  their  plan  of  absorbing  all 
power,  invading  the  rights  of  the  States,  and  con- 
verting the  federal  into  a  consolidated  govern- 
ment. 

"  That  the  ultimate  object  of  all  this  was  to  pre- 
pare the  way  for  a  change  from  the  present  repub- 
lican form  of  government  to  that  of  a  monarchy 
of  which  the  English  constitution  was  to  be  the 
model.  So  many  of  the  friends  of  monarchy  were 
in  the  Legislature,  that  aided  by  the  corrupt  squad 
of  paper  dealers  who  were  at  their  devotion,  they 
had  a  majority  in  both  Houses.  The  republican 
party,  even  when  united  with  the  anti-federalists, 
continued  a  minority."  These  arguments  were  ably 
replied  to  on  the  opposite  side. 

These  grave  charges  and  imputations,  however, 
were  not  so  much  intended  to  apply  to  "Washington 
and  his  measures,  as  to  Colonel  Hamilton,  the  Secre- 
tary of  the  Treasury  and  the  ostensible  head  of  the 
consolidated  federal  party. 

In  respect  to  General  "Washington,  the  purity  oi 
his  heart  and  character  repelled  the  approximation 
of  the  foul  elements  of  party.  His  views  were  na- 
tional ;  every  pulsation  of  his  heart  was  for  his  coun- 
try's good ;  and  being  exalted  above  the  influence  of 
interest  by  every  consideration  of  character  and  popu- 


238  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

larity  with  the  whole  people,  it  was  utterly  impossi- 
ble that  any  party  could  claim  him  as  its  sole  leader, 
or  that  any  of  his  measures  or  views  could  be  re- 
ferred or  traced  to  party  motives.  If  he  did  enter- 
tain one  supreme  sentiment,  it  was  an  honest  one, 
and  that  was  a  candid  preference  for  a  government 
of  law  and  force  to  a  government  of  opinion — a  con- 
viction which  may  be  traced  to  the  fact,  that  he 
acquired  his  education  under  the  strict  notions  of 
the  monarchy,  and  contracted  his  habits  in  the  em- 
ployment of  the  royal  government  as  a  military  man : 
— being  still  not  less  a  republican  in  principle — nor 
less  an  American  in  practice. 

These  conflicts  of  party  opinions  would  have  been 
overlooked  by  Washington  and  wholly  disregarded, 
had  they  not  invaded  the  tranquillity  of  his  cabinet ; 
and  arrayed  in  fierce  hostility  the  Secretary  of  State 
against  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  These  officers, 
from  the  first  moment  of  their  entrance  into  the  cabi- 
net, had  disagreed  upon  principles  of  essential  im- 
portance to  the  harmony  of  the  administration.  This 
radical  contrariety  in  their  characters  and  views, 
naturally  became  augmented  with  the  lapse  of  time ; 
— and  every  measure  of  government  conduced  more 
or  less  to  widen  the  breach,  as  they  more  clearly 
demonstrated  the  irreconcilable  hostility  of  their 
doctrines,  measures  and  opinions.  Mr.  Jefferson  liad 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  239 

been  from  the  first  a  warm  champion  of  liberty, 
and  opposed  to  the  federal  Constitution  as  imply- 
ing a  power  or  supremacy  over  the  sovereignty  of 
the  States ;  and  General  Hamilton  was  the  most 
prominent  of  those  who  favored  a  federal  govern- 
ment, whose  power  should  supersede  opinion,  and 
moderate  the  rights  of  the  States.  On  the  same 
principle  Mr.  Jefferson  was  partial  to  France,  and 
Mr.  Hamilton  partial  to  England ;  and  inimical  to 
France,  as  Mr.  Jefferson  was  hostile  to  England, 
and  her  monarchical  tendencies. 

To  trace  all  the  forms  of  this  hostility  is  not  con- 
sistent with  the  object  of  this  biography.  As  it 
affected  "Washington,  it  caused  him  the  deepest 
mortification  and  chagrin ;  so  much  so  as  to  draw 
from  him  the  following  letters  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  conceived  in 
the  purest  spirit  of  patriotism,  and  breathing  the 
fond  affection  of  a  father  toward  his  children.  The 
first  letter  bears  the  date  of  August  23d,  1792. 
Having  entered  into  a  review  of  the  delicate  exter- 
nal relations  of  the  United  States,  he  thus  digressed 
to  the  main  topic  of  his  epistle  : — "  How  unfortu- 
nate, and  how  much  is  it  to  be  regretted,  then,  that 
while  we  are  encompassed  on  all  sides  with  avowed 
enemies  and  insidious  friends,  internal  dissensions 
should  be  harrowing  ami  tearing  onr  vitals.  The 


240  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

last,  to  me,  is  the  most  serious,  the  most  alarming, 
and  the  most  afflicting  of  the  two ;  and  without 
more  charity  for  the  opinions  of  one  another  in 
governmental  matters,  or  some  more  infallible  crite- 
rion by  which  the  truth  of  speculative  opinions,  be- 
fore they  have  undergone  the  test  of  experience,  are 
to  be  forejudged,  than  has  yet  fallen  to  the  lot  of 
fallibility,  I  believe  it  will  be  difficult,  if  not  imprac- 
ticable, to  manage  the  reins  of  government,  or  to 
keep  the  parts  of  it  together ;  for  if,  instead  of  lay- 
ing our  shoulders  to  the  machine,  after  measures 
are  decided  on,  one  pulls  this  way  and  another 
that,  before  the  utility  of  the  thing  is  fairly  tried, 
it  must  inevitably  be  torn  asunder;  and,  in  my 
opinion,  the  fairest  prospect  of  happiness  and  pros- 
perity that  ever  was  presented  to  man,  will  be  lost, 
perhaps  forever. 

"  My  earnest  wish  and  my  fondest  hope  there- 
fore is,  that  instead  of  wounding  suspicions  and 
irritating  charges,  there  may  be  liberal  allowances, 
mutual  forbearances,  and  temporizing,  yielding  on 
all  sides.  Under  the  exercise  of  these,  matters  will 
go  on  smoothly,  and  if  possible  more  prosperously. 
"Without  them,  every  thing  must  rub,  the  wheels  of 
government  will  clog,  our  enemies  will  triumph, 
and  by  throwing  their  weight  into  the  disaffected 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  241 

scale,  may  accomplish  the  ruin  of  the  goodly  fabric 
we  have  been  erecting. 

"I  do  not  mean  to  apply  this  advice,  or  these 
observations,  to  any  particular  person  or  character. 
I  have  given  them  in  the  same  general  terms  to 
other  officers  of  the  government,  because  the  dis- 
agreements which  have  arisen  from  difference  of 
opinions,  and  the  attacks  which  have  been  made 
upon  almost  all  the  measures  of  government,  and 
most  of  its  executive  officers  have  for  a  long  time 
past  filled  me  with  painful  sensations,  and  cannot 
fail,  I  think,  of  producing  unhappy  consequences  at 
home  and  abroad."  The  letter  to  General  Hamil- 
ton was  almost  an  exact  copy  of  this  to  Mr.  Jefferson. 
Another  was  also  addressed  by  him  to  Mr.  Randolph, 
the  Attorney-General. 

As  some  curiosity  may  naturally  be  felt  to  see 
the  report  of  Mr.  Jefferson  upon  the  Bank  of  the 
United  States,  and  as  it  is  to  be  found  in  but  few 
works  easily  accessible  to  the  general  reader,  we 
here  extract  it. 

"  The  Bill  for  establishing  a  National  Bank,  under- 
takes among  other  things, 

"1st.  To  form  the  subscribers  into  a  corporation. 

"  2d.  To  enable  them  in  their  corporate  capacities 
to  receive  grants  of  land,  and  so  far,  is  against  the 
laws  of  mortmain. 
21 


242  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

"  3d.  To  make  alien  subscribers  capable  of  hold- 
ing lands;  and  so  far  is  against  the  laws  of 
alienage. 

"4th.  To  transmit  these  lands  on  the  death  of  a 
proprietor,  to  a  certain  line  of  successors ;  and  so  far 
changes  the  course  of  descents. 

"5th.  To  put  the  lands  out  of  the  reach  of  forfei- 
ture or  escheat ;  and  so  far,  is  against  the  laws  of 
forfeiture  and  escheat. 

"  6th.  To  transmit  personal  chattels  to  successors 
in  a  certain  line ;  and  so  far  is  against  the  laws  of 
distribution. 

"  7th.  To  give  them  the  sole  and  exclusive  right  of 
banking  under  the  national  authority;  and  so  far,  is 
against  the  laws  of  monopoly. 

"  8th.  To  communicate  to  them  a  power  to  make 
laws  paramount  to  the  laws  of  the  States ;  for  so 
they  must  be  construed  to  protect  the  institution 
from  the  control  of  the  State  legislatures ;  and  so, 
probably,  they  will  be  construed. 

"I  consider  the  foundation  of  the  Constitution  as 
laid  on  the  ground  that  'all  powers  not  delegated 
to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution,  nor  pro- 
hibited by  it  to  the  States,  are  reserved  to  the 
States  or  to  the  people.'  (Twelth  amendment.) 
To  take  a  single  step  beyond  the  boundaries  thus 
specially  drawn  around  the  powers  of  Congress,  \a 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  243 

to  take  possession  of  a  boundless  field  of  power,  no 
longer  susceptible  of  any  definition. 

"  The  incorporation  of  a  bank,  and  the  powers  as- 
Bumed  by  this  bill,  have  not,  in  my  opinion,  beeij 
delegated  to  the  United  States  by  the  Constitution. 

"  I.  They  are  not  among  the  powers  specially  enu- 
merated. For  these  are, 

"1.  A  power  to  lay  taxes  for  the  purpose  of  pay- 
ing the  debts  of  the  United  States ;  but  no  debt  is 
paid  by  this  bill,  nor  any  tax  laid.  Were  it  a  bill 
to  raise  money,  its  origination  in  the  Senate  would 
condemn  it  by  the  Constitution. 

"2.  To  'borrow  money.'  But  this  bill  neither 
borrows  money,  nor  insures  the  borrowing  of  it. 
The  proprietors  of  the  bank  will  be  just  as  free  as 
any  other  money  holders,  to  lend  or  not  to  lend 
their  money  to  the  public.  The  operation  proposed 
in  the  bill,  first  to  lend  them  two  millions,  and  then 
borrow  them  back  again,  cannot  change  the  nature 
of  the  latter  act,  which  will  still  be  a  payment,  and 
not  a  loan,  call  it  by  what  name  you  please. 

"  3.  *  To  regulate  commerce  with  foreign  nations, 
and  among  the  States,  and  with  the  Indian  tribes.' 
To  erect  a  bank,  and  to  regulate  commerce,  are  very 
different  acts.  He  who  erects  a  bank,  creates  a 
subject  of  commerce  in  its  bills :  so  does  he  who 
makes  a  bushel  of  wheat,  or  who  digs  a  dollar  out 


244  THF   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  the  mines.  Yet  neither  of  these  persons  regu- 
late commerce  thereby.  To  make  a  thing  which 
may  be  bought  and  sold,  is  not  to  prescribe  regu- 
lations for  buying  and  selling.  Besides,  if  this  were 
an  exercise  of  the  power  of  regulating  commerce, 
it  would  be  void,  as  extending  as  much  to  the  in- 
ternal commerce  of  every  State,  as  to  its  external. 
For  the  power  given  to  Congress  by  the  Constitu- 
tion, does  not  extend  to  the  internal  regulation  of 
the  commerce  of  a  State,  (that  is  to  say,  of  the 
commerce  between  citizen  and  citizen,)  which  re- 
mains exclusively  with  its  own  legislature,  but  to 
its  external  commerce  only ;  that  is  to  say,  its  com- 
merce with  another  State,  or  with  foreign  nations, 
or  with  the  Indian  tribes.  Accordingly,  the  bill 
does  not  propose  the  measure  as  a  '  regulation  of 
trade,'  but  as  'productive  of  considerable  advan- 
tage to  trade.' 

"  Still  less  are  these  powers  covered  by  any  other 
of  the  special  enumerations. 

"II.  Nor  are  they  within  either  of  the  general 
phrases,  which  are  the  two  following: 

"1.  To  lay  taxes  to  provide  for  the  general  wel- 
fare of  the  United  States;  that  is  to  say,  'to  lay 
taxes  for  the  purpose  of  providing  for  the  general 
welfare.'  For  the  laying  of  taxes  is  the  power,  and 
the  general  welfare  the  purpose,  for  which  the  power 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  24£ 

is  to  be  exercised.  Congress  are  not  to  lay  taxes 
ad  libitum,  for  any  purpose  they  please ;  but  only  to 
pay  the  debts,  or  provide  for  the  welfare  of  the  Union, 
In  like  manner,  they  are  not  to  do  any  tiling  they 
please,  to  provide  for  the  general  welfare,  but  only 
to  lay  taxes  for  that  purpose.  To  consider  the  lat- 
ter phrase,  not  as  describing  the  purpose  of  the  first, 
but  as  giving  a  distinct  and  independent  power  to 
do  any  act  they  please,  which  might  be  for  the  good 
of  the  Union,  would  render  all  the  preceding  and 
subsequent  enumerations  of  power  completely  use- 
less. It  would  reduce  the  whole  instrument  to  a 
single  phrase,  that  of  instituting  a  Congress  with 
power  to  do  whatever  would  be  for  the  good  of  the 
United  States;  and  as  they  would  be  the  sole  judges 
of  the  good  or  evil,  it  would  be  also  a  power  to  do 
whatever  evil  they  pleased.  It  is  an  established 
rule  of  construction,  where  a  phrase  will  bear  either 
of  two  meanings,  to  give  it  that  which  will  allow 
some  meaning  to  the  other  parts  of  the  instrument, 
and  not  that  which  will  render  all  the  others  use- 
less. Certainly,  no  such  universal  power  was  meant 
to  be  given  them.  It  was  intended  to  lace  them  up 
straightly  within  the  enumerated  powers,  and  those 
without  which,  as  means,  these  powers  could  not  be 
carried  into  effect.  It  is  known  that  the  very  power 
now  proposed  as  a  means  was  rejected  as  an  end  by 
21* 


216  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

the  Convention  which  formed  the  Constitution.  A 
proposition  was  made  to  them  to  authorize  Con- 
gress to  open  canals,  and  an  emendatory  one  to 
empower  them  to  incorporate;  but  the  whole  was 
rejected,  and  one  of  the  reasons  of  rejection  urged 
in  debate  was,  that  they  then  would  have  a  power 
to  erect  a  bank,  which  would  render  the  great  cities, 
where  there  were  prejudices  and  jealousies  on  that 
subject,  adverse  to  the  reception  of  the  Constitu- 
tion. 

"2.  The  second  general  phrase  is,  'to  make  all 
laws  necessary  and  proper  for  carrying  into  execu- 
tion the  enumerated  powers.'  But  they  can  all  be 
carried  into  execution  without  a  bank.  A  bank, 
therefore,  is  not  necessary,  and  consequently,  not 
authorized  by  this  phrase. 

"  It  has  been  much  urged,  that  a  bank  will  give 
great  facility  or  convenience  in  the  collection  of 
taxes.  Suppose  this  were  true ;  yet  the  Constitu- 
tion allows  only  the  means  which  are  'necessary,' 
not  those  which  are  merely  convenient,  for  effect- 
ing the  enumerated  powers.  If  such  a  latitude  of 
construction  be  allowed  to  this  phrase,  as  to  give 
any  non-enumerated  power,  it  will  go  to  every  one ; 
for  there  is  no  one  which  ingenuity  may  not  torture 
into  a  convenience  in  some  way  or  other  to  some  one 
of  so  long  a  list  of  enumerated  powers.  It  would 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  247 

swallow  up  all  the  delegated  powers,  aiid  reduce 
the  whole  to  one  phrase,  as  before  observed.  There- 
fore it  was  that  the  Constitution  restrained  them  to 
the  necessary  means,  that  is  to  say,  to  those  means 
without  which  the  grant  of  the  power  would  be  nu- 
gatory. 

"But  let  us  examine  this  'convenience,'  and  see 
what  it  is.  The  report  on  this  subject,  (page  2,)  states 
the  only  general  convenience  to  be,  the  preventing 
the  transportation  and  retransportation  of  money  be- 
tween the  States  and  the  treasury.  (For  I  pass  over 
the  increase  of  the  circulating  medium  ascribed  to  it 
as  a  merit,  and  which,  according  to  my  ideas  of  paper 
money,  is  clearly  a  demerit.)  Every  State  will  have 
to  pay  a  sum  of  tax  money  into  the  treasury ;  and 
the  treasury  will  have  to  pay,  in  every  State,  a  part 
of  the  interest  on  the  public  debt,  and  salaries  to 
the  officers  of  government  resident  in  that  State. 
In  most  of  the  States  there  will  still  be  a  surplus 
of  tax  money  to  come  up  to  the  seat  of  government 
for  the  officers  residing  there.  The  payments  of 
interest  and  salary  in  each  State  may  be  made  by 
treasury  orders  on  the  State  collector.  This  will 
take  up  the  greater  part  of  the  money  he  has  col- 
lected in  his  State,  and  consequently  prevent  the 
great  mass  of  it  from  being  drawn  out  of  the  State. 
If  there  be  a  balance  of  commerce  m  favor  of  that 


248  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

State,  against  the  one  in  which  the  government  re- 
sides, the  surplus  of  taxes  will  be  remitted  by  the 
bills  of  exchange  drawn  from  that  commercial  bal- 
ance. And  so  it  must  be  if  there  were  a  bank. 
But  if  there  be  no  balance  of  commerce,  either  di- 
rect or  circuitous,  all  the  banks  in  the  world  could 
not  bring  the  surplus  of  taxes  but  in  the  form  of 
money.  Treasury  orders,  then,  and  bills  of  ex- 
change, may  prevent  the  displacement  of  the  main, 
mass  of  the  money  collected,  without  the  aid  of  any 
bank ;  and  where  these  fail,  it  cannot  be  prevented, 
even  with  that  aid. 

"  Perhaps,  indeed,  bank  bills  may  be  a  more  con- 
venient vehicle  than  treasury  orders.  But  a  little 
difference  in  the  degree  of  convenience,  cannot  con- 
stitute the  necessity  which  the  Constitution  makes 
the  ground  for  assuming  any  non-enumerated 
power. 

"  Besides,  the  existing  banks  will,  without  doubt, 
enter  into  arrangements  for  lending  their  agency, 
and  the  more  favorable,  as  there  will  be  a  competi- 
tion among  them  for  it.  Whereas,  this  bill  delivers 
us  up  bound  to  the  National  Bank,  who  are  free  to 
refuse  all  arrangements  but  on  their  own  terms,  and 
the  public  not  free  on  such  refusal  to  employ  any 
other  bank.  That  of  Philadelphia,  I  believe,  now 
does  this  business  by  their  post  notes,  which,  by  an 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  249 

arrangement  with  the  treasury,  are  paid  by  any 
State  collector  to  whom  they  are  presented.  This 
expedient  alone  suffices  to  prevent  the  existence 
of  that  necessity  which  may  justify  the  assumption 
of  a  non-enumerated  power  as  a  means  for  carrying 
into  effect  an  enumerated  one.  The  thing  may  be 
done,  arid  has  been  done,  and  well  done,  without 
this  assumption;  therefore  it  does  not-  stand  on 
that  degree  of  necessity  which  can  honestly  jus- 
tify it. 

"It  may  be  said  that  a  bank  whose  bills  would 
have  a  currency  all  over  the  States,  would  be  more 
convenient  than  one  whose  currency  is  limited  to  a 
single  State.  So  it  would  be  still  more  convenient 
that  there  should  be  a  bank  whose  bills  should  have 
a  currency  all  over  the  world.  But  it  does  not  fol- 
low from  this  superior  conveniency,  that  there  ex- 
ists any  where  a  power  to  establish  such  a  bank,  or 
that  the  world  may  not  go  on  very  well  without  it. 

"  Can  it  be  thought  that  the  Constitution  intended 
that  for  a  shade  or  two  of  convenience,  more  or  less, 
Congress  should  be  authorized  to  break  down  the 
most  ancient  and  fundamental  laws  of  the  several 
States,  such  as  those  against  mortmain,  the  laws  of 
alienage,  the  rules  of  descent,  the  acts  of  distribu- 
tion, the  laws  of  escheat  and  forfeiture,  and  the 
laws  of  monopoly  ?  Nothing  but  a  necessity  iuvin- 


250  I'HE   LIFE    AND    TIMES 

cible  by  any  otlier  means,  can  justify  such  a  pros- 
tration of  laws  which  constitute  the  pillars  of  our 
whole  system  of  jurisprudence.  "Will  Congress  be 
too  straight-laced  to  carry  the  Constitution  into 
honest  effect,  unless  they  may  pass  over  the  founda- 
tion laws  of  the  State  governments  for  the  slightest 
convenience  to  theirs? 

"The  negative  of  the  President  is  the  shield  pro- 
vided by  the  Constitution,  to  protest  against  the 
invasions  of  the  legislature ;  first,  the  rights  of  the 
executive;  second,  of  the  judiciary;  third,  of  the 
States  and  State  legislatures.  The  present  is  the 
case  of  a  right  remaining  exclusively  with  the  States, 
and  is,  consequently,  one  of  those  intended  by  the 
Constitution  to  be  placed  under  his  protection. 

"It  must  be  added,  however,  that  unless  the  Presi- 
dent's mind,  on  a  view  of  every  thing  which  is 
urged  for  and  against  this  bill,  is  tolerably  clear  that 
it  is  unauthorized  by  the  Constitution,  if  the  pro 
and  the  con  hang  so  even  as  to  balance  his  judg- 
ment, a  just  respect  for  the  wisdom  of  the  legisla- 
ture would  naturally  decide  the  balance  in  favor  of 
their  opinion.  It  is  chiefly  for  cases  where  they  are 
clearly  misled  by  error,  ambition,  or  interest,  that 
the  Constitution  has  placed  a  check  in  the  negative 
of  the  President." 

The  subsequent  operation  and  success  of  the  bank 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  251 

gave  ample  proof  of  the  vast  financial  ability  of 
Hamilton.  Commerce  was  immensely  increased. 
The  intercourse  between  the  respective  States  was 
greatly  facilitated  by  an  equalization  of  the  ex- 
changes. The  price  of  the  public  debt  rose  to  its 
par  value.  The  revenues  of  the  government  were 
placed  beyond  the  possibility  of  plunder,  and  were 
distributed  to  the  distant  parts  of  the  confederacy 
without  expense  to  the  government.  Notwithstand- 
ing all  this,  the  bank  had  many  and  fierce  oppo- 
nents, even  during  the  period  of  its  untrammeled 
and  therefore  successful  operation.  The  partisans  of 
Hamilton  became  immensely  wealthy  from  the  in- 
crease of  the  value  of  the  public  stocks.  He  him- 
self remained  comparatively  poor.  But  his  oppo- 
nents reviled  him  as  the  patron  of  moneyed 
monopolies,  as  the  friend  of  the  aristocracy,  as  the 
patron  even  of  monarchy.  Some  adored  him  as  the 
financial  savior  of  the  country  ;  some  execrated  him 
as  the  author  of  grievous  evils,  both  present  and  to 
come.  If  ever  any  man  experienced  the  utmost 
extremes  of  popular  adulation  and  of  popular  hate, 
it  was  the  founder  of  the  first  Bank  of  the  United 
States. 

On  the  4th  of  August,  1790,  Congress  passed 
an  act,  authorizing  the  President  to  borrow  any 
sum  not  exceeding  twelve  millions  of  dollars  to 


252  THE  LIFE  AND   TIMES 

be  applied  to  the  payment  of  the  foreign  debt. 
Another  act  allowed  him  to  obtain  a  loan  not  ex- 
ceeding two  millions  to  be  applied  to  the  reduc- 
tion and  extinguishment  of  the  domestic  debt. 

"Washington  delegated  the  power  to  contract 
these  loans  to  Mr.  Hamilton.  His  commission  to 
do  so  was  accompanied  by  written  instructions, 
directing  him  to  pay  such  portions  of  the  foreign 
debt  as  should  fall  due  at  the  end  of  the  year  1791 ; 
but  leaving  him,  in  regard  to  the  remainder,  to  be 
guided  by  what  seemed  to  him  to  be  promotive  of 
the  interest  of  the  United  States.  In  accordance 
with  these  instructions  Hamilton  negotiated  two 
loans  in  1790,  and  others  at  a  subsequent  date. 

At  this  period  the  domestic  debt  of  the  United 
States  brought  a  low  price  in  the  market.  Con- 
sequently foreign  capital  was  directed  into  the 
country  for  its  purchase.  The  immediate  appro- 
priation of  the  sinking  fund  to  this  object,  would 
require  a  large  portion  of  the  debt,  and  would 
naturally  increase  its  appreciation.  Accordingly 
Hamilton  had,  with  the  concurrence  of  Washing- 
ton, directed  a  portion  of  the  first  loan  to  be  paid 
in  discharge  of  the  installments  of  the  foreign 
debt,  which  were  actually  due;  and  had  drawn  the 
rest  of  it  into  the  treasury  to  be  appropriated  to 
the  sinking  fund  for  liquidating  the  domestic  debt. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  253 

In  the  payment  of  the  debt  of  the  United  States 
to  France,  a  portion  of  it  was  converted  into  sup- 
plies for  the  island  of  St.  Domingo,  then  suffering 
under  great  calamities.  This  was  done  in  response 
to  the  application  of  the  French  minister.  This 
method  of  payment  was  agreeable  to  both  debtor 
and  creditor,  was  in  accordance  with  the  dictates  of 
humanity,  and  was  every  way  equitable  in  itself. 

On  the  23d  of  January,  1792,  Mr.  Giles  proposed 
in  Congress  resolutions  requiring  information  in  re- 
ference to  the  various  items  connected  with  these 
loans.  In  his  speech  he  insinuated  charges  of  a  se- 
rious nature  against  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 
lie  intimated  that  a  large  balance  of  the  moneys  re- 
mained unaccounted  for.  The  resolutions  were 
agreed  to,  and  in  a  short  time  Hamilton  sent  in  his 
report  containing  full  information  in  reference  to  all 
the  points  demanded.  Foiled  by  the  clearness  and 
conclusiveness  of  the  statements  made  and  proved  in 
this  report,  Mr.  Giles  changed  his  position.  On  the 
27th  February  he  offered  another  series  of  resolutions, 
lie  abandoned  the  charge  that  a  balance  remained 
unaccounted  for  ;  but  condemned  the  Secretary  for 
neglect  of  duty  in  violating  the  law  of  the  4th 
August,  1790,  in  deviating  from  the  instructions  of 
Washington  in  negotiating  a  loan  at  the  bank  while 
public  moneys  lay  unappropriated  in  its  vaults,  and 
22 


254  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 

with  indecorum  to  the  House,  in  presuming  to  cen- 
sure its  motives  in  the  passage  of  the  previous  reso- 
lutions. A  debate  of  great  bitterness  and  fierceness 
ei.f-ued  on  the  resolutions  of  Mr.  Giles;  but  it  ter- 
minated, as  it  must  needs  have  done,  in  the  rejec- 
tion of  all  the  resolutions,  the  highest  number  of 
representatives  voting  in  their  favor  being  only 
sixteen. 

In  1793  the  second  term  of  Washington's  adminis- 
tration commenced.  Though  anxious  to  retire  from 
the  heavy  and  thankless  burden  of  public  cares,  he 
was  prevented  from  doing  so  by  the  unanimously 
expressed  wish  of  the  nation.  Mr.  Adams  of  Massa- 
chusetts was  selected  Vice-President,  in  opposition 
to  Governor  George  Clinton  of  New  York.  Mr. 
Hamilton  was  continued  by  the  President  in  the 
office  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury. 

One  of  the  most  prominent  incidents  connected 
with  the  second  administration  of  ^Washington,  was 
the  short  war  between  the  United  States  and  France. 
It  grew  out  of  the  events  connected  with  the  war 
which  had  been  proclaimed  between  France  and 
England.  The  unfortunate  Louis  XVI.  had  ex- 
piated on  the  scaffold  the  crime  of  having  been  born 
the  inheritor  of  the  throne  of  the  Bourbons,  for  of  no 
other  crime  had  he  been  guilty,  whatever  his  prede- 
cessors might  have  done ;  and  the  French  republic, 
then  tuniultuously  seething  under  the  insane  guid- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  255 

ance  of  the  Jacobins,  seemed  determined  to  diffuse 
the  evils  of  discord  and  war  as  far  as  possible  among 
surrounding  nations.  The  treaties  which  were  then 
in  existence  between  France  and  the  United  States, 
bound  the  latter  by  certain  obligations,  which,  if 
strictly  construed  and  carried  out,  would  compel 
thorn  to  become  a  party  to  the  war  against  England. 
To  some  extent  this  obligation  was  admitted ;  and 
money  had  been  advanced  to  France  to  support  the 
war.  But  the  new  government  of  that  country 
seemed  to  be  resolved  upon  extreme  measures  in 
every  thing,  and  appeared  determined  to  compel  the 
United  States  to  take  a  more  decided  stand,  and  to 
become  a  direct  belligerent.  It  soon  became  appa- 
rent that  vigorous  preparations  were  being  made 
to  fit  out  privateers  in  American  ports,  to  sail  under 
French  colors,  for  the  purpose  of  plundering  British 
commerce.  This  was  carrying  the  interpretation  of 
the  existing  treaties  further  than  the  President  and 
his  cabinet  were  disposed  to  permit. 

Washington  summoned  a  meeting  of  his  cabinet 
for  the  purpose  of  deliberating  on  the  matter.  He 
submitted  to  them  the  questions — whether  a  procla- 
mation of  neutrality  should  be  made ;  whether  a 
resident  minister  from  the  French  Republic  should 
be  received  ;  whether  a  qualified  or  an  absolute  recep- 
tion should  be  extended  to  him ;  and  whether,  under 
the  existing  circumstances  of  the  two  countries, 


256  .  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

the  guarantee  to  aid  each  other  contained  in  the 
ireaty  of  alliance  was  binding,  and  should  be  exe- 
cuted ?  In  answer  to  these  questions,  the  cabinet 
unanimously  advised  that  a  proclamation  should  be 
issued,  forbidding  the  citizens  of  the  United  States 
to  take  part  with  either  of  the  belligerents,  and  that 
a  minister  from  the  French  Republic  ought  to  be  re- 
ceived. On  the  other  points  submitted,  a  diversity 
of  sentiment  existed  in  the  cabinet.  Jefferson  and 
Randolph,  the  friends  of  extreme  democracy,  were 
in  favor  of  an  unqualified  reception  of  the  French 
minister.  Hamilton  and  Knox,  the  representatives 
of  the  federal  school,  were  opposed  to  the  direct  re- 
cognition of  the  existing  government  of  France. 
They  did  not  suppose  that  that  government  would 
be  permanent ;  and  they  feared  that  its  recognition 
by  the  United  States  would  lead  to  difficulties  writh 
other  European  powers.  They  believed  and  held 
that  the  guarantees  existing  in  the  treaty  with 
France  had  reference  to  a  defensive  war,  and  to 
that  only. 

In  the  present  instance,  contrary  to  his  usual  cus- 
tom, Washington  approved  the  sentiments  of  Jeffer- 
son and  Randolph.  A  proclamation  of  neutrality 
was  made,  and  the  French  ambassador  was  received 
with  the  same  formalities,  and  on  the  same  terms, 
with  which  the  representatives  of  the  defunct  mon- 
archy of  the  Bourbons  had  been  welcomed. 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  257 


CHAPTER   XL 

THE  AUTHORSHIP  OP  THE  FEDERALIST — ITS  RELATIVE  POSITION  IN  AME- 
RICAN LITERATURE — THE  PERIOD  OP  ITS  PUBLICATION — ITS  GENERAL 
SCOPE  AND  PURPOSE — ITS  SPECIFIC  PARTS  OR  SUBDIVISIONS — ITS 
GENERAL  CONCLUSIONS  AND  RESULTS — ITS  PECULIARITIES'  OF  STYLE — 
ITS  CLEARNESS — BEAUTY LOGICAL  POWER — METAPHYSICAL  PROFUN- 
DITY— COLOSSAL  THOUGHTS — ANTITHETICAL  FORCE — EMPLOYS  CONTRI- 
BUTIONS AND  ILLUSTRATIONS  FROM  EVERY  DEPARTMENT  OF  SCIENCE — 
INFLUENCE  OF  THE  FEDERALIST  ON  AMERICAN  AFFAIRS — ITS  FOREIGN 
FAME  AND  INFLUENCE — ITS  FUTURE  CONSERVATIVE  INFLUENCE  ON  THE 
AMERICAN  UNION. 

A  BRIEF  examination  of  the  peculiar  characteris- 
tics of  the  Federalist  may  here  be  both  appropriate 
and  useful,  in  enabling  us  to  form  a  clearer  and 
more  impartial  estimate  of  the  intellectual  qualities 
and  the  political  sentiments  of  the  subject  of  this 
memoir.  In  speaking  of  the  Federalist  in  this  con- 
nection, we  only  refer  to  that  part  of  it  of  which 
Hamilton  was  the  acknowledged  author,  and  which 
indeed  constitutes  much  the  largest  portion  of  the 
whole  work.  The  contributions  of  Jay  were  of  but 
little  consequence ;  and  although  those  of  Madison 
were  more  numerous  and  extensive  than  his,  yet 
they  were  not  sufficiently  ample  to  impress  upon  the 
entire  work  the  distinctive  character  and  elements 
22* 


THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

of  his  own  mind.  The  Federalist  is  in  reality  tb*} 
production  of  Hamilton.  It  bears  upon  it  the 
stamp  of  his  great  intellect ;  it  owes  its  existence  to 
his  suggestion;  its  general  plan  and  outline  are 
his ;  its  most  thorough  and  labored  discussions 
emanated  from  his  pen ;  and  its  influence  and 
celebrity  are  indissolubly  connected  with  his  peer- 
less and  undying  fame. 

The  Federalist  is  justly  regarded  as  the  great 
American  classic  in  political  science.  No  produc- 
tion which  has  emanated  from  any  American  states- 
man can  compete  with  it  in  profundity,  ability,  and 
power.  The  great  constitutional  arguments  of  Mr. 
"Webster,  and  the  elaborate  treatise  of  Mr.  Calhoun 
on  the  Constitution,  are  its  acknowledged  inferiors. 
It  holds  the  same  high  place  in  American  literature 
which  the  Letters  of  Junius,  and  the  Reflections  of 
Burke  on  the  French  Revolution,  occupy  in  British 
literature;  while  it  possesses  one  great  advantage 
over  these  celebrated  works,  in  the  fact  that 
their  discussions  are  based  upon  transient  and  tem- 
porary events,  which,  however  important  and  ab- 
sorbing they  may  have  been  at  the  period  of  their 
occurrence,  lost  their  supreme  and  overwhelming 
interest  with  the  steady  progress  of  time.  The 
Federalist  is  founded  upon  a  theme  equally  perma 
nent  and  glorious — one  which  will  continue  to  in- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  259 

terest  and  benefit  our  race  as  long  as  true  liberty 
exists  upon  the  earth :  and  not  only  as  long  as  the 
American  confederacy  shall  continue  to  flourish, 
but  even  while  it  retains  a  place  in  the  memory  of 
mankind.  It  is  a  complete  commentary  upon  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States,  which  is  fully 
worthy  of  its  subject;  it  is  a  magnificent  superstruc- 
ture erected  in  perfect  harmony  with  the  symmetrical 
and  beautiful  proportions  of  the  foundation  upon 
which  it  is  reared,  and  destined  to  be  coequal  with 
it  in  duration  and  celebrity. 

The  first  publication  of  the  Federalist  began  in 
the  daily  journals  in  November,  1787,  and  it  con- 
tinued till  June,  1788.  It  attracted  universal  at- 
tention at  the  time ;  and  to  the  influence  which  it 
wielded  the  speedy  and  unanimous  adoption  of  the 
federal  Constitution  by  all  the  States  is  in  a  great 
measure  to  be  attributed.  Its  general  scope  and 
purpose  were  to  afford  the  American  people,  at  the 
period  when  they  were  discussing  the  provisions 
and  merits  of  that  Constitution  previous  to  its  final 
adoption — a  thorough  exposition  of  the  principles 
which  should  characterize  a  federal  representative 
government.  It  combines  in  harmonious  propor- 
tions an  ardent  attachment  to  the  principles  of 
rational  liberty,  with  a  clear  and  impartial  state- 
ment of  the  dangers  which  result  from  an  excessive 


2GO  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES       , 

and  undue  jealousy  of  the  power  intrusted  to  the 
central  government,  in  those  unsound  and  badly 
constructed  republics  which,  in  former  ages,  have 
arisen,  flourished,  foundered,  and  fallen;  and  it 
draws  lessons  of  wisdom  from  their  misfortunes. 
Or,  in  the  words  of  Hamilton  himself:  "  I  propose 
to  discuss  the  following  interesting  particulars  :  the 
utility  of  the  Union  to  your  political  prosperity  :  the 
insufficiency  of  the  present  confederation  to  preserve 
that  Union  :  the  necessity  of  a  government  at  least 
equally  energetic  with  the  one  proposed,  to  the 
attainment  of  this  object :  the  conformity  of  the 
proposed  Constitution  to  the  true  principles  of  re- 
publican government:  its  analogy  to  your  own 
State  constitution  :  and  lastly,  the  additional  secu- 
rity which  its  adoption  will  afford  to  the  preserva- 
tion of  that  species  of  government,  to  liberty  and  to 
prosperity." 

In  pursuance  of  this  purpose  the  Federalist  enters 
upon  a  wide  and  extended  range  of  argument.  It 
first  takes  into  consideration,  and  discusses  at  length, 
the  dangers  which  threaten  the  country  from  foreign 
force  and  foreign  influence.  It  then  approaches  the 
internal  condition  of  the  colonies,  and  examines  the 
dangers  which  impended  of  wars  and  conflicts  be- 
tween the  respective  States,  exposing  clearly  the 
causes  which  may  lead  to  such  unfortunate  results. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  2G1 

It  discusses  the  effects  of  internal  war  in  producing 
standing  armies,  and  various  other  institutions 
which  are  unfriendly  to  liberty.  It  treats  succes- 
sively of  the  utility  of  the  Union  as  a  safeguard 
against  domestic  faction  and  insurrection ;  the 
utility  of  the  Union  in  respect  to  commerce  and  the 
establishment  of  a  navy ;  its  utility  in  promoting  a  re- 
venue ;  and  in  reference  to  the  promotion  of  public 
economy.  It  then  proceeds  to  examine  the  objection 
to  its  positions  drawn  from  the  extent  of  country 
included  in  the  Union ;  and  the  defects  of  the  old 
confederation  in  relation  to  the  principle  of  legisla- 
tion for  the  States  in  their  collective  capacities. 
Examples  are  adduced  to  show  that  the  uniform 
tendency  of  federal  governments  is  rather  to  anarchy 
and  rivalry  among  the  respective  members,  than 
to  tyranny  in  the  central  power.  The  other  themes 
discussed  at  length  may  be  summed  up  as  follows : 
concerning  the  militia,  taxation,  and  various  objec- 
tions to  these  points  answered ;  a  general  view  of  the 
powers  proposed  to  be  vested  in  the  Union ;  an 
examination  of  the  comparative  means  of  influence 
possessed  by  the  federal  and  State  governments  ; 
concerning  the  House  of  Eepresentatives,  and  the 
qualifications  of  its  members,  their  term  of  service, 
and  the  ratio  of  representation;  concerning  the 
constitution  of  the  Senate,  and  the  number,  quali- 


262  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

fications,  and  election  of  its  members ;  of  the 
capacity  of  the  Senate  as  a  court  for  the  trial  of 
impeachments ;  of  the  President  and  his  powers, 
functions,  term  of  service,  eligibility  to  re-election, 
the  veto  power,  his  command  of  the  national  forces, 
and  his  power  to  pardon ;  concerning  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  executive  council,  and  the  appointment 
of  the  other  officers  of  the  government;  an  examina- 
tion of  the  constitution  of  the  judicial  department, 
and  its  powers,  responsibilities,  the  distribution  of  its 
authority,  and  the  trial  by  jury.  The  whole  discus- 
sion concludes  with  the  examination  of  various 
miscellaneous  questions  and  objections,  which 
gives  additional  completeness  and  effect  to  the 
argument. 

The  general  results  to  which  this  profound  and 
able  investigation  leads,  the  system  of  government 
which  it  gradually,  beautifully,  and  harmoniously 
elaborates,  the  doctrines  which  it  asserts,  and  which 
it  moulds  into  a  complete  and  symmetrical  whole, 
may  be  found  fully  displayed  in  the  Constitution 
of  the  United  States.  This  fact  at  once  establishes 
the  reasonableness,  wisdom,  and  justice  of  the  sen- 
timents contended  for  in  the  Federalist.  It  is  an 
unimpeachable  guarantee,  the  value  of  which  in- 
creases with  the  progress  of  time,  and  with  the 
augmenting  unparalleled  prosperity  of  the  brother- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  263 

hood  of  nations  which  flourishes  under  its  beni<*- 

& 

nant  operation.  In  these  doctrines  are  concentrated 
the  accumulated  political  wisdom  of  all  past  ages, 
which  has  been  obtained  sometimes  by  the  pro- 
found study  of  great  statesmen  in  other  times  and 
countries,  sometimes  by  the  triumph  and  felicity  of 
great  States  and  communities  which  have  existed 
under  similar  institutions  elsewhere ;  and  some- 
times by  the  melancholy  disasters  and  ruin  of  vast 
republics  which  mistook  anarchy  for  freedom, 
the  shadow  of  liberty  for  the  substance,  and  even- 
tually became  the  victims  of  irresponsible,  tumul- 
tuous, and  perverted  power. 

The  discussion  of  the  doctrines  defended  in  the 
Federalist  is  beyond  the  province  of  the  biographer 
of  their  author;  but  an  examination  of  the  style 
with  which  he  utters  them,  and  of  the  dress  in 
which  he  clothes  his  thoughts,  may  not  be  inap- 
propriate. 

The  style  of  Hamilton  bore  the  impress  of  the 
peculiar  qualities  of  his  mind.  It  was  clear,  ner- 
vous, ornate,  and  always  appropriate  to  the  nature 
of  the  subject  under  discussion.  In  some  of  his 
reports  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  when  he  is 
compelled  to  enter  into  dry  statistical  details,  his 
btyle  is  plain  and  direct,  without  any  effort  at  orna- 
ment or  display.  In  the  Federalist,  whenever  the 


2G4 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


grandeur  or  the  profundity  of  the  themes  discussed 
invited  him  to  a  labored  exercise  of  his  high  pow- 
ers, his  full  strength  was  displayed ;  the  eagle  then 
plumed  his  wings  for  an  ambitious  flight  toward 
the  sun,  and  few  could  soar  as  high  or  as  majesti- 
cally as  he.  One  of  Hamilton's  qualities  as  a  writer 
in  the  Federalist  was  his  clearness  of  statement. 
As  an  instance  of  this  we  may  quote  the  following 
extract : 

"  If  the  circumstances  of  our  country  are  such  as 
to  demand  a  compound,  instead  of  a  simple — a 
confederate,  instead  of  a  sole  government,  the  es- 
sential point  which  will  remain  to  be  adjusted,  will 
be  to  discriminate  the  objects,  as  far  as  it  can  be 
done,  which  shall  appertain  to  the  different  pro- 
vinces or  departments  of  power :  allowing  to  each 
the  most  ample  authority  for  fulfilling  those  which 
may  be  committed  to  its  charge.  Shall  the  Union 
be  constituted  the  guardian  of  the  common  safety  ? 
Are  fleets,  and  armies,  and  revenues,  necessary  to 
this  purpose  ?  The  government  of  the  Union  must 
be  empowered  to  pass  all  laws,  and  to  make  all  re- 
gulations which  have  relation  to  them.  The  same 
must  be  the  case  in  respect  to  commerce,  and  to 
every  other  matter  to  which  its  jurisdiction  is  per- 
mitted to  extend.  Is  the  administration  of  justice 
between  the  citizens  of  the  same  State  the  proper 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  265 

department  of  the  local  governments.  These  must 
possess  all  the  authorities  which  are  connected  with 
this  object,  and  with  every  other  that  may  be  al- 
lotted to  their  particular  cognizance  and  direction. 
ISTot  to  confer  in  each  case  a  degree  of  power  com- 
mensurate to  the  end,  would  be  to  violate  the  most 
obvious  rules  of  prudence  and  propriety,  and  im- 
providently  to  trust  the  great  interests  of  the  nation 
to  hands  which  are  disabled  from  managing  them 
with  vigor  and  success."* 

Many  examples  occur  of  great  beauty  of  diction 
and  of  imagery,  such  as  are  rarely  to  be  found  in 
the  dry  details  of  state  papers.  As  an  instance  we 
may  quote  the  following : 

"  It  is  impossible  to  read  the  history  of  the  petty 
republics  of  Greece  and  Italy,  without  feeling  sen- 
sations of  horror  and  disgust  at  the  distractions 
•with  which  they  were  continually  agitated  ;  and  at 
the  rapid  succession  of  revolutions  by  which  they 
were  kept  perpetually  vibrating  between  the  ex- 
tremes of  tyranny  and  anarchy.  If  they  exhibit 
occasional  calms,  these  only  serve  as  short-lived 
contrasts  to  the  furious  storms  that  are  to  succeed. 
If  now  and  then  intervals  of  felicity  open  them- 
selves to  view,  we  behold  them  with  a  mixture  of 
regret  arising  from  the  reflection,  that  the  pleasing 

*  See  Federalist,  No.  XX11I. 


266  THE  LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Bcenes  before  us  are  soon  to  be  overwhelmed  by  the 
tempestuous  waves  of  sedition  and  party  rage.  If 
momentary  rays  of  glory  break  forth  from  the 
gloom  while  they  dazzle  us  with  a  transient  and 
fleeting  brilliancy,  they  at  the  same  time  admonish 
us  to  lament,  that  the  vices  of  government  should 
pervert  the  direction,  and  tarnish  the  lustre  of  those 
bright  talents  and  exalted  endowments  for  which 
the  favored  soils  that  produced  them  have  been  so 
justly  celebrated. 

"But  it  is  not  to  be  denied,  that  the  portraits 
they  have  sketched  of  republican  government, 
were  too  just  copies  of  the  originals  from  which 
they  were  taken.  If  it  had  been  found  impracti- 
cable to  have  devised  models  of  a  more  perfect 
structure,  the  enlightened  friends  of  liberty  would 
have  been  obliged  to  abandon  the  cause  of  that  spe- 
cies of  government  as  indefensible.  The  science  of 
politics,  Jiowever,  like  most  other  sciences,  has  re- 
ceived great  improvement.  The  efficacy  of  various 
principles  is  now  well  understood,  which  were  either 
not  known  at  all,  or  imperfectly  known  to  the  an- 
cients. The  regular  distribution  of  power  into  dis- 
tinct departments ;  the  introduction  of  legislative 
balances  and  checks  ;  the  institution  of  courts  com- 
posed of  judges,  holding  their  offices  during  good 
behavior;  the  representation  of  the  people  in  the 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  267 

legislature,  by  deputies  of  their  own  election ; 
these  are  either  wholly  new  discoveries,  or  have 
made  their  principal  progress  toward  perfection  iii 
modern  times."* 

As  a  remarkable  example  of  the  symmetry  which 
characterizes  the  structure  of  the  sentences  of  Ha- 
milton in  the  Federalist,  may  be  adduced  the  pol- 
ished paragraph  with  which  he  concludes  the  Sixty- 
seventh  paper  of  the  series  : 

"I  have  taken  the  pains  to  select  this  instance 
of  misrepresentation,  and  to  place  it  in  a  clear  and 
strong  light,  as  an  unequivocal  proof  of  the  unwar- 
rantable arts  which  are  practiced,  to  prevent  a  fair 
and  impartial  judgment  of  the  real  merits  of  the 
plan  submitted  to  the  consideration  of  the  people. 
Nor  have  I  scrupled,  in  so  flagrant  a  case,  to  indulge 
a  severity  of  animadversion,  little  congenial  with 
the  general  spirit  of  these  papers.  I  hesitate  not 
to  submit  it  to  the  decision  of  any  candid  and 
honest  adversary  of  the  proposed  government,  whe- 
ther language  can  furnish  epithets  of  too  much  as- 
pc  rity  for  so  shameless  and  so  prostitute  an  attempt 
to  impose  on  the  citizens  of  America." 

The  logical  strength  of  Hamilton's  style,  where 
logical  strength  was  either  requisite  or  appropriate, 
is  5>ne  of  the  most  remarkable  features  of  his  com- 

*  Federalist,  No.  IX. 


268  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

position.  Often  his  ideas  assume  colossal  forms  and 
proportions ;  and  when  he  utters  them  they  come 
down  with  sledge-hammer  power  and  weight. 
These  indicate  the  vast  momentum  and  grasp  of 
his  intellect;  and  they  remind  the  reader  more  suc- 
cessfully than  any  other  existing  production  of  the 
prodigious  conceptions  of  Demosthenes,  and  the 
ponderous  thoughts  of  Webster.  Of  this  quality 
the  following  extract  is  an  appropriate  example : 

"  Our  own  experience  has  corroborated  the  les- 
sons taught  by  the  examples  of  other  nations;  that 
emergencies  of  this  sort  will  sometimes  exist  in 
all  societies,  however  constituted;  that  seditions 
and  insurrections  are,  unhappily,  maladies  as  inse- 
parable from  the  body  politic,  as  tumors  and  erup- 
tions from  the  natural  body;  that  the  idea  of  go- 
verning at  all  times  by  the  simple  force  of  law, 
(which  we  have  been  told  is  the  only  admissible 
principle  of  republican  government)  has  no  place 
but  in  the  revery  of  those  political  doctors,  whose 
sagacity  disdains  the  admonitions  of  experimental 
instruction.  " 

"  Should  such  emergencies  at  any  time  happen 
under  the  national  government,  there  could  be  no 
remedy  but  force.  The  means  to  be  employed  must 
be  proportioned  to  the  extent  of  the  mischief.  If 
it  should  be  a  slight  commotion  in  a  small  part  of  a 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  269 

State,  the  militia  of  the  residue  would  be  adequate 
to  its  suppression :  and  the  natural  presumption  is, 
that  they  would  be  ready  to  do  their  duty.  An 
insurrection,  whatever  may  be  its  immediate  cause, 
eventually  endangers  all  government.  Kegard  to 
the  public  peace,  if  not  to  the  rights  of  the  Union, 
would  engage  the  citizens,  to  whom  the  contagion 
had  not  communicated  itself,  to  oppose  the  insur- 
gents; and  if  the  general  government  should  be 
found  in  practice  conducive  to  the  prosperity  and 
felicity  of  the  people,  it  were  irrational  to  believe 
that  they  would  be  disinclined  to  its  support."* 

"Whoever  carefully  examines  this  remarkable  pro- 
duction will  be  struck  with  the  fact,  that  not  merely 
were  all  the  elaborate  graces  of  composition  at  the 
command  of  Hamilton  ;  not  only  was  he  able  to 
polish  both  superficial  and  profound  thoughts  with 
the  beauty  and  elegance  even  of  Isocrates  him- 
self; but  that,  whenever  the  nature  of  the  discus- 
sion required  or  even  permitted  it,  he  reveled  with 
equal  ease  in  the  most  profound  metaphysical  and 
philosophical  speculations,  and  expressed  the  most 
abstruse  conceptions  in  the  clearest  and  most  intel- 
ligible manner.  As  an  instance  of  this  we  may 
cite  the  illustration  with  which  he  opens  the  dis- 
cussion of  the  Twenty-first  number: 

*  Federalist,  No.  XXVIII. 

23* 


270  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

"In  disquisitions  of  every  kind,  there  are  certain 
primary  truths,  or  first  principles,  upon  which  all 
subsequent  reasonings  must  depend.  These  contain 
an  internal  evidence,  which,  antecedent  to  all  re- 
flection or  combination,  commands  the  assent  of 
the  mind.  Where  it  produces  not  this  effect,  it 
must  proceed  either  from  some  disorder  in  the  or- 
gans of  perception,  or  from  the  influence  of  some 
strong  interest,  or  passion,  or  prejudice.  Of  this 
nature  are  the  maxims  in  geometry,  that  the  whole 
is  greater  than  its  parts ;  that  things  equal  to  the 
same,  are  equal  to  one  another;  that  two  straight 
lines  cannot  inclose  a  space;  and  that  all  right 
angles  are  equal  to  each  other.  Of  the  same  nature 
are  these  other  maxims  in  ethics  and  politics,  that 
there  cannot  be  an  effect  without  a  cause;  that  the 
means  ought  to  be  proportioned  to  the  end;  that 
eveiy  power  ought  to  be  commensurate  with  its  ob- 
ject; that  there  ought  to  be  no  limitation  of  a 
power  destined  to  effect  a  purpose  which  is  itself 
•  ncapable  of  limitation.  And  there  are  other  truths 
in  the  two  latter  sciences,  which,  if  they  cannot 
pretend  to  rank  in  the  class  of  axioms,  are  such 
direct  inferences  from  them  and  so  obvious  in  them- 
selves, and  so  agreeable  to  the  natural  and  unso- 
phisticated dictates  of  common  sense,  that  they 
challenge  the  assent  of  a  sound  and  unbiased 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  271 

mind,  with  a  degree  of  force  and  conviction  almost 
equally  irresistible." 

Thus  it  was  that,  on  every  suitable  occasion, 
Hamilton  summoned  contributions  illustrative  of 
his  subject,  and  auxiliary  to  his  purpose,-from  every 
domain  of  science — from  history,  both  ancient  and 
modern,  from  natural  philosophy,  poetry,  jurispru- 
dence, moral  philosophy,  political  economy  and 
metaphysics.  He  seems  to  be  at  home  everywhere ; 
and  no  intellectual  problem  appeared  to  be  too  pro- 
found for  his  facile  and  masterly  grasp. 

As  a  specimen  of  antithetical  force  and  clear- 
ness, as  well  as  of  rapidity  and  comprehensiveness 
of  style,  the  following  passage  will  compare  favor- 
ably with  any  thing  to  be  found  in  the  writings  of 
the  great  masters  of  English  composition.  In  re- 
ference to  the  proposed  powers  to  be  vested  in 
Congress  to  make  treaties,  he  says  : 

"  These  two  clauses  have  been  the  sources  of 
much  virulent  invective,  and  petulant  declamation, 
against  the  proposed  Constitution.  They  have  been 
held  up  to  the  people  in  all  the  exaggerated  colors 
of  misrepresentation  ;  as  the  pernicious  engines  by 
which  their  local  governments  were  to  be  destroyed, 
and  their  liberties  exterminated;  as  the  hideous 
monster  whose  devouring  jaws  would  spare  neither 
sex  nor  age,  nor  high  nor  low,  nor  sacred  nor  pro 


272  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

fane;  and  yet,  strange  as  it  may  appear,  after  all 
this  clamor,  to  those  who  may  not  have  happened 
to  contemplate  them  in  the  same  light,  it  may  be 
affirmed  with  perfect  confidence,  that  the  constitu- 
tional operation  of  the  intended  government  would 
be  precisely  the  same,  if  these  clauses  were  entirely 
obliterated,  as  if  they  were  repeated  in  every  arti- 
cle. They  are  only  declaratory  of  a  truth,  which 
would  have  resulted  by  necessary  and  unavoidable 
implication  from  the  very  act  of  constituting  a  fe- 
deral government,  and  vesting  it  with  certain  speci* 
tied  powers.  This  is  so  clear  a  proposition,  that 
moderation  itself  can  scarcely  listen  to  the  railings 
which  have  been  so  copiously  vented  against  this 
part  of  the  plan,  without  emotions  that  disturb  its 
equanimity."* 

A  very  remarkable  attribute  of  the  discussions 
of  the  Federalist  is  the  fullness,  completeness,  and 
exhaustive  thoroughness  with  which  they  expound 
every  subject,  dive  beneath  the  surface  of  things, 
and  completely  fathom  its  utmost  depths.  To  illus- 
trate fully  this  peculiarity  it  would  be  necessary  to 
quote  from  that  work  at  length,  and  to  point  out 
how,  in  some  wide  range  of  inquiry  and  argument, 
Hamilton  sweeps  along  with  a  powerful  and  majes- 
tic wing  over  the  farthest  aud  utmost  bounds  of 

•  Federalist,  No.  XXXIII. 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  273 

the  debated  land.  This  our  limits  forbid.  But  the 
following  extract  will  illustrate  to  a  very  small  extent 
this  quality  of  the  movement  of  Hamilton's  mind, 
in  his  contributions  to  the  Federalist.  When  speak- 
ing of  the  propriety  of  making  the  President  of 
the  United  States  eligible  to  re-election  to  office, 
after  the  conclusion  of  his  first  term  of  service,  he 
says: 

"  The  administration  of  government,  in  its  largest 
sense,  comprehends  all  the  operations  of  the  body 
politic,  whether  legislative,  executive,  or  judiciary; 
but  in  its  most  usual,  and  perhaps  in  its  most  pre- 
cise signification,  it  is  limited  to  executive  details, 
and  falls  peculiarly  within  the  province  of  the  exe- 
cutive department.  The  actual  conduct  of  foreign 
negotiations,  the  preparatory  plans  of  finance,  the 
application  and  disbursement  of  the  public  moneys 
in  conformity  to  the  general  appropriations  of  the 
legislature,  the  arrangement  of  the  army  and  navy, 
the  direction  of  the  operations  of  war;  these,  and 
other  matters  of  a  like  nature,  constitute  what 
seems  to  be  most  properly  understood  by  the  ad- 
ministration of  government.  The  persons,  there- 
fore, to  whose  immediate  management  these  differ- 
ent matters  are  committed,  ought  to  be  considered 
as  the  assistants  or  deputies  of  the  chief  magistrate ; 
and  on  this  account,  they  ought  to  derive  their 


274  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

offices  from  his  appointment,  at  least  from  his  nomi- 
nation, and  to  be  subject  to  his  superintendence. 
This  view  of  the  thing  will  at  once  suggest  to  us 
the  intimate  connection  between  the  duration  of  the 
executive  magistrate  in  office,  and  the  stability  of 
the  system  of  administration.  To  undo  what  has 
been  done  by  a  predecessor  is  very  often  considered 
by  a  successor  as  the  best  proof  he  can  give  of  his 
own  capacity  and  desert;  and  in  addition  to  this 
propensity,  where  the  alteration  has  been  the  result 
of  public  choice,  the  person  substituted  is  warranted 
in  supposing  that  the  dismission  of  his  predecessor 
has  proceeded  from  a  dislike  to  his  measures,  and 
that  the  less  he  resembles  him  the  more  he  will  re- 
commend himself  to  the  favor  of  his  constituents. 
These  considerations,  and  the  influence  of  personal 
confidences  and  attachments,  would  be  likely  to 
induce  every  new  President  to  promote  a  change  of 
men  to  fill  the  subordinate  stations;  and  these 
causes  together  could  not  fail  to  occasion  a  disgrace- 
ful and  ruinous  mutability  in  the  administration  of 
the  government."* 

Such  are  the  literary  peculiarities,  and  these  are 
some  of  the  doctrines  discussed  in  this  remarkable 
production.  It  is  not  singular,  therefore,  that  the 

•  Federalist,  No.  LXXII 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  275 

influence  which  the  Federalist  has  exerted  upon  the 
political  Constitution  and  organization  of  the  repub- 
lics of  this  confederacy  during  past  time,  should 
have  been  immense.  Such  has  been  the  fact.  It 
was  the  chief  means  of  securing  the  adoption  of 
the  federal  Constitution,  in  the  first  instance,  at  a 
period  when  the  highest  interests  of  the  nation  de- 
manded the  immediate  concentration,  fusion,  and 
combination  of  the  several  States ;  and  at  a  time 
also  when  the  intensity  of  party  strifes,  the  bitter- 
ness of  sectional  hatred,  and  the  fierce  jealousy  of 
rival  commonwealths,  rendered  the  attainment  of 
such  a  result  in  the  highest  degree  difficult  and  un- 
certain. 

Nor  did  the  conservative  and  beneficial  influence 
of  the  Federalist  terminate  there.  It  has  ever  since 
moulded  the  opinions  of  the  wisest,  ablest,  and  best 
of  American  statesmen.  It  has  been  the  fountain 
whence  they  drew  their  most  intelligent  views  of 
the  true  principles  of  government,  both  as  to  its 
construction  and  its  administration.  The  conse- 
quence has  been,  that  the  influence  of  the  principles 
established  by  the  Federalist,  has  been  seen  and 
illustrated  in  the  constitutions  and  laws  of  all  the 
more  youthful  members  of  this  Union;  whereby,  as 
they  successively  become  entitled  to  admission  to 
fellowship  with  the  older  communities,  their  State 


276  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

governments  have  always  been  consonant  and  ho- 
mogeneous in  their  cardinal  features  with  those  to 
whom  they  desire  to  become  united.  The  conse- 
quence has  been  that  the  various  members  which 
now  constitute  this  confederacy  are  as  one  people ; 
and  no  inconsiderable  share  of  the  merit  of  pro- 
ducing this  felicitous  result  is  due  to  the  influence 
exerted  by  the  able  and  profound  discussions  of  the 
Federalist. 

The  wise  and  learned  of  Europe  have  also  appre- 
ciated the  superior  merit  of  this  production.  Shortly 
after  its  first  appearance,  the  Federalist  was  trans- 
lated into  French  by  M.  Buisson,  and  published  in 
Paris.  In  that  country  it  has  taken  its  place  by  the 
side  of  Montesquieu's  "Spirit  of  Laws."  It  has 
been  republished  in  Switzerland,  and  has  been  there 
honored  as  the  worthy  associate  of  the  great  work 
of  Burlamaqui  on  the  same  subject.  It  is  known 
and  appreciated  in  every  country  of  Europe,  just  in 
proportion  as  the  liberty  of  the  press  and  liberty 
of  speech  are  possessed  and  enjoyed. 

It  has  been  asserted  by  political  philosophers  of 
no  mean  ability,  that  the  tendencies  of  all  free 
governments  are  to  the  possession  of  still  greater 
freedom,  until  their  liberty,  however  rational  and 
well-grounded  it  may  have  been  in  the  first  instance, 
degenerates  into  anarchy  and  destructive  license.  If 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  277 

eucli  should  be  the  future  experience  of  the  United 
States,  the  influence  of  the  Federalist  will  not  fail 
in  generations  yet  to  come  to  counteract  and  resist 
such  a  ruinous  result.  Its  conservative  power  will 
but  increase  in  proportion  as  the  wise  lessons  of 
experience  are  added  to  the  profound  speculations 
of  theory.  The  arguments  with  which  it  shields 
and  shelters  the  great  central  power  in  the  Confe- 
deracy from  the  conflicting  jealousies  of  the  sepa- 
rate States,  both  as  against  itself  and  as  against 
each  other,  will  only  become  more  unanswerable 
and  convincing,  in  proportion  as  a  departure  from 
its  sage  counsels  drags  the  ship  of  state  nearer  to 
the  verge  of  the  precipice  of  ruin.  As  this  great 
work  aided  so  effectually  in  securing  the  first  adop 
tion  of  the  Constitution;  as  it  is  vivified  by  the 
same  intellectual  life;  as  it  is  instinct  with  the 
same  patriotic  genius;  so  the  benignant  influence 
of  both  will  be  coeval  in  duration  ; — the  Federalist 
will  always  serve  to  increase  and  perpetuate  the 
supremacy  of  the  Constitution ;  and  when  at  length 
the  Constitution  falls,  if  it  ever  does  fall,  it  will 
bury  beneath  its  melancholy  ruins  the  fair  and 
beauteous  superstructure  which  the  same  skillful 
and  masterly  hands  have  thus  reared  upon  it. 

It  has   frequently  been   asserted,  that  notwith- 
standing the  positions  assumed  and  defended  by 
24 


278  THF   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Mr.  Hamilton  in  the  Federalist,  he  was  really  in 
favor  of  the  election  of  a  President  for  life,  and 
of  other  monarchical  or  anti-republican  sentiments 
and  measures.  The  following  important  letter  of 
Mr.  Hamilton,  addressed  in  the  first  instance  to 
Timothy  Pickering,  will  controvert  and  disprove 
this  charge  in  the  most  direct  and  satisfactory 
manner: 

"NEW  YORK,  Sept.  16,  1803. 

"MY  DEAR  SIR:  I  will  make  no  apology  for  my 
delay  in  answering  your  inquiry,  some  time  since 
made,  because  I  could  offer  none  which  would  sa- 
tisfy myself.  I  pray  you  only  to  believe  that  it 
proceeded  from  any  thing  rather  than  from  want  of 
respect  or  regard.  I  shall  now  comply  with  your 
request. 

"  The  highest  toned  propositions  which  I  made 
in  the  Convention,  were  for  a  President,  Senate, 
and  Judges,  during  good  behavior;  a  House  of  Re- 
presentatives for  three  years.  Though  I  would 
have  enlarged  the  legislative  power  of  the  general 
government,"  yet  I  never  contemplated  the  abolition 
of  the  State  governments;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
they  were,  in  some  particulars,  constituent  parts  of 
my  plan. 

"  This  plan  was,  in  my  conception,  conformable 
with  the  strict  theory  of  a  government  purely  re- 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  279 

publican ;  the  essential  criteria  of  which  are,  that 
the  principal  organs  of  the  executive  and  legisla- 
tive departments  be  elected  by  the  people,  and  hold 
the  office  by  a  responsible  and  temporary  or  defea- 
sible nature. 

"A  vote  was  taken  on  the  proposition  respecting 
the  executive.  Five  States  were  in  favor  of  it — 
among  these  Virginia;  and  though,  from  the  man- 
ner of  voting  by  delegations,  individuals  were  not 
distinguished,  it  was  morally  certain,  from  the 
known  situation  of  the  Virginia  members,  (six  in 
number,  two  of  them,  Mason  and  Randolph,  pro- 
fessing popular  doctrines,)  that  Madison  must  have 
concurred  in  the  vote  of  Virginia.  Thus,  if  I 
sinned  against  republicanism,  Mr.  Madison  is  not 
less  guilty. 

"I  may  truly,  then,  say  that  I  never  proposed 
either  a  President  or  Senate  for  life;  and  that  I 
neither  recommended  nor  meditated  the  annihila- 
tion of  the  State  governments. 

"And  I  may  add  that,  in  a  course  of  the  discus- 
sions in  the  Convention,  neither  the  propositions 
thrown  out  for  debate,  nor  even  those  who  voted  in 
the  earlier  stages  of  deliberation,  were  considered 
as  evidence  of  a  definitive  opinion  in  the  proposer 
or  voter.  It  appeared  to  be  in  some  sort  under- 
stood that,  with  a  view  to  free  investigation,  experi- 


280  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

mental  propositions  might  be  made,  which  were  to 
be  received  merely  as  suggestions  for  consideration. 
Accordingly,  it  is  a  fact  that  my  final  opinion  was 
against  an  executive  during  good  behavior,  on  account 
of  the  increased  danger  to  the  public  tranquillity 
incident  to  the  election  of  a  magistrate  of  his  de- 
gree of  permanency.  In  the  plan  of  a  Constitution 
which  I  drew  up  while  the  Convention  was  sitting, 
and  which  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Madison  about 
the  close  of  it,  perhaps  a  day  or  two  after,  the  office 
of  President  has  no  longer  duration  than  for  three 
years. 

"This  plan  was  predicated  upon  these  bases: 
1.  That  the  political  principles  of  the  people  of 
this  country,  would  endure  nothing  but  a  repub- 
lican government.  2.  That  in  the  actual  situation 
of  the  country  it  was  itself  right  and  proper  that 
the  republican  theory  should  have  a  full  and  fair 
trial.  3.  That  to  such  a  trial  it  was  essential  that 
the  government  should  be  so  constructed  as  to  give 
it  all  the  energy  and  the  stability  reconcilable  with 
the  principles  of  that  theory.  These  were  the  ge- 
nuine sentiments  of  my  heart,  and  upon  them  I 
then  acted. 

"I  sincerely  hope  that  it  may  not  hereafter  be 
discovered  that,  through  want  of  sufficient  atten- 
tion to  the  last  idea,  the  experiment  of  republican 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  281 

government,  even  in  this  country,  has  not  been  as 
complete,  as  satisfactory,  and  as  decisive  as  could 
be  wished. 

"Very  truly,  dear  sir,  your  friend  and  servant, 

A.  HAMILTON." 
24* 


282  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CIIAPTEK    XII. 

PROCEEDINGS  OP  M.  GENET — REMONSTRANCE  OP  THE  BRITISH  MINISTER — 
CONFLICTS  IN  THE  CABINET — OPINION  OP  HAMILTON  RESPECTING  PRIZES 
TAKEN  IN  WAR — LE  PETIT  DEMOCRAT — HAMILTON'S  REPORT  ON  THE  PUBLIC 
CREDIT — HIS  VARIOUS  OTHER  REPORTS  AS  SECRETARY  OP  THE  TREA- 
SURY— HE  WRITES  HIS  CELEBRATED  PACIFICUS — CHANGES  IN  WASH- 
INGTON'S CABINET — HAMILTON  RESIGNS  AS  SECRETARY  OF  THE  STATE 
TREASURr— OPPOSITION  OF  ALBERT  OALLATIN  TO  WASHINGTON — HAMIL- 
TON VINDICATES  THE  PRESIDENT. 

THE  minister  whom  the  French  republic  sent  to 
the  United  States,  in  the  year  1793,  was  M.  Genet, 
a  person  not  unknown  at  home  in  the  bloody 
annals  of  Jacobin  violence  and  triumph.  He  ar- 
rived at  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  on  the  8th  of 
April.  His  object  in  sailing  for  Charleston  and 
not  for  Philadelphia,  where  the  federal  government 
was  then  located,  obviously  was,  that  he  might  be 
nearer  to  the  "West  Indies,  which  furnished  a  more 
favorable  position  for  the  resort  and  protection  of 
privateers.  He  immediately  began  to  authorize 
the  fitting  out  and  arming  of  vessels  at  Charleston, 
the  enlisting  of  men,  and  the  giving  of  commissions, 
to  commit  hostilities  on  a  nation  with  whom  the 
United  States  were  then  at  peace. 

The  course  of  conduct  pursued  by  this  Jacobin 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  283 

immediately  drew  forth  from  Mr.  Hammond,  tho 
British  minister,  a  decided  remonstrance.  On  the 
16th  of  May,  Genet  arrived  at  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment. The  party  in  the  community  who  favored 
his  principles  and  measures,  prepared  for  him  a 
puhlic  triumphal  entry.  Soon  after  his  arrival  ha 
.received  various  addresses  of  congratulation  from 
the  citizens  of  Philadelphia.  Large  numbers  of 
them  waited  on  him  in  person,  and  expressed  their 
fervent  gratitude  for  the  efficient  assistance  which 
the  French  nation  had  furnished  to  the  United 
States ;  giving  utterance  to  exultation  at  the  recent 
success  of  their  arms ;  and  expressing  a  conviction 
that  the  future  welfare  and  safety  even  of  the 
United  States  depended  on  the  continued  perpetuity 
and  triumph  of  the  French  republic.  M.  Genet 
responded  to  these  absurd  utterances  in  terms 
which  indicated  how  highly  they  gratified  him,  and 
inflated  both  his  self-consequence  and  his  hopes. 
.  Several  days  after  his  arrival  M.  Genet  was  pre- 
sented to  the  President,  by  whom  he  was  received 
in  the  most  cordial  and  friendly  manner.  In  the 
conversation,  which  passed  between  them,  the 
French  minister  gave  Washington  the  most  po- 
sitive assurances  that  France  did  not  wish  or  ex- 
pect to  engage  the  United  States  as  a  party  to  the 
war.  !But  he  soon  acted  in  direct  hostility  to  this 


284  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

declaration.  A  British  vessel,  the  Grange,  in  sail- 
ing from  the  port  of  Philadelphia,  was  attacked  and 
captured  by  the  French  frigate  L'Ambuscade,  be- 
fore she  had  cleared  the  Capes  of  the  Delaware. 

This  outrage  at  once  brought  matters  to  a  crisis. 
Mr.  Hammond  immediately  demanded  the  restitu- 
tion of  the  prize.  When  the  dispute  came  up  for 
adjudication  in  the  Cabinet,  it  was  unanimously 
agreed  that  the  jurisdiction  of  every  independent 
nation  within  its  own  territory,  being  of  a  nature 
to  exclude  the  exercise  of  any  authority  therein  by 
any  foreign  power,  the  acts  complained  of  by  the 
British  minister  were  not  warranted  by  the  treaty, 
were  unjustifiable  encroachments  on  the  national 
sovereignty  of  the  United  States,  and  were  viola- 
tions of  neutral  rights  which  the  government  could 
not  permit.  As  to  the  delicate  question  of  the  res- 
titution of  the  prizes  already  taken,  the  Cabinet 
was  divided.  Jefferson  and  Randolph  maintained, 
that  vessels  which  had  been  captured  on  the  high 
eeas,  and  brought  into  the  ports  of  the  United 
States,  by  vessels  fitted  out  and  commissioned  in 
their  ports,  ought  not  to  be  restored.*  Hamilton 

*  Mr.  Jefferson  maintained  the  same  position  in  &  letter  to  M. 
Genet  himself,  July  24, 1793;  in  which  he  says:  "I  believe  it  can- 
not be  doubted  that  by  the  general  law  of  nations,  the  goods  of  a 
friend  found  in  the  vessels  of  an  enemy  are  free,  and  the  goods  of 
an  enemy  found  in  the  vessels  of  a  friend,  are  lawful  prize."  See 
"  Observations  on  the  Dispute  between  the  United  States  and  France, 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  285 

and  Knox  contended  for  the  opposite  opinion. 
"Washington  deliberated  long  and  cautiously  in  re- 
ference to  this  disputed  point.  The  Secretary  of 
State  was  directed  to  communicate  to  M.  Genet 
and  Hammond  the  conclusion  of  the  President  in 
reference  to  the  first  question  discussed  and  settled ; 
and  circular  letters  were  sent  to  all  the  executives 
of  the  States,  requiring  their  co-operation  in  the 
execution  of  the  policy  adopted  by  government. 

The  French  minister  was  intensely  excited  and 
offended  at  the  conclusions  already  arrived  at  by  the 
American  cabinet.  He  denounced  them  as  opposed 
to  national  rights,  to  the  laws  of  nations,  and  as  sub- 
versive of  the  existing  treaties  between  the  two 
nations.  He  was  encouraged  in  his  violence  by  a 
great  party  in  the  community  who  were  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  existing  administration;  and  intoxi- 
cated by  their  adulation,  as  well  as  ignorant  of  the 
determined'  character  of  "Washington,  he  adopted 
one  of  the  most  extraordinary  expedients  recorded 
in  history.  He  threatened  to  make  an  appeal  from 
the  decision  of  the  federal  government  to  the  voice 
of  the  people !  He  contended  that  the  real  govern- 
ment of  a  free  community  rested,  not  in  the  dele- 
addressed  by  Robert  Goodloe  Harper,  of  South  Carolina,  to  his  con- 
stituents, May  1797,  page  13."  Mr.  Jefferson  proceeds  to  say:  "We 
have  established  a  contrary  principle,  that  free  ships  shall  make  free 
goods,  in  our  treaties  with  France,  Holland  and  Prussia."  Ibid.  p.  14. 


280  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

gated  authorities,  but  in  the  people  alone ;  that  in 
a  democratic  State  the  people,  and  they  only,  pos- 
sessed the  real  sovereignty.* 

This  expedient,  so  perfectly  French  and  Jacobin 
in  its  nature,  might  have  had  considerable  efficiency 
in  the  land  of  Marat,  Danton  and  the  carmagnoles; 
but  it  would  not  answer  in  the  land  of  the  Pilgrims 

*  The  style  adopted  by  this  distinguished  individual  may  be  in 
fci'red  from  the  following  extract  from  his  inflated  communications 
to  Washington; 

"  Every  obstruction  by  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
the  arming  of  French  vessels,  must  be  an  attempt  on  the  rights  of 
man,  upon  which  repose  the  independence  and  laws  of  the  United 
States — a  violation  of  the  ties  which  unite  the  people  of  France 
and  America,  and  even  a  manifest  contradiction  of  the  system  of 
neutrality  of  the  President ;  for  in  fact,  if  our  merchant  vessels, 
or  others,  are  not  allowed  to  arm  themselves,  when  the  French  alone 
are  resisting  the  league  of  all  the  tyrants  against  the  liberty  of  the 
people,  they  will  be  exposed  to  inevitable  ruin  in  going  out  of  the 
ports  of  the  United  States  ;  which  is  certainly  not  the  intention  of 
the  people  of  America.  Their  fraternal  voice  has  resounded  from 
every  quarter  around  me,  and  their  accents  are  not  equivocal.  They 
are  pure  as  the  hearts  of  those  by  whom  they  are  expressed ;  and 
the  more  they  have  touched  my  sensibility,  the  more  they  must  in- 
terest in  the  happiness  of  America  the  nation  I  represent ;  the  more 
I  wish,  sir,  that  the  federal  government  would  observe,  as  far  as  in 
their  power,  the  public  engagements  contracted  by  both  nations; 
and  that,  by  this  generous  and  prudent  conduct,  they  will  give  at 
least  to  the  world  the  example  of  a  true  neutrality,  which  does  not 
consist  in  the  cowardly  abandonment  of  their  friends  in  the  moment 
when  danger  menaces  them,  but  in  adhering  strictly,  if  they  can  do 
no  better,  to  the  obligations  they  have  contracted  with  them.  It  is 
by  such  proceeding  that  they  will  render  themselves  respectable  to 
all  the  powers — that  they  will  preserve  their  friends,  and  deserve  to 
augment  their  numbers." 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  287 

and  the  Cavaliers,  in  the  home  of  Washington  and 
Hamilton.  This  insane  appeal  of  Genet  at  once 
alarmed,  offended,  and  insulted  the  whole  nation. 
They  became  apprehensive  for  the  honor  and  inde- 
pendence of  their  country.  The  difficulties  were 
increased  by  the  presence  in  the  port  of  Philadel- 
phia of  a  French  privateer  called  Le  Petit  Demo- 
crat ;  which  was  about  to  sail  thence  on  a  priva- 
teering cruise.  Genet  refused  to  delay  the  departure 
of  this  vessel  as  requested  to  do,  until  the  matters 
in  dispute  were  adjusted.  Hamilton  recommended 
that  she  should  be  detained  in  port  by  force.  Jef- 
ferson, however,  dissented  from  so  vigorous  and 
decisive  a  measure.  "Washington  thus  expressed 
himself  in  reference  to  it.  "  Is  the  minister  of  the 
French  republic  to  set  the  acts  of  government  at 
defiance  with  impunity,  and  threaten  the  executive 
with  an  appeal  to  the  people?  "What  must  the 
world  think  of  such  conduct,  and  of  the  American 
government  in  submitting  to  it?"  Washington, 
finally  requested  the  recall  of  M.  Genet;  and  with 
unexpected  subserviency  to  the  cause  of  right  and 
justice,  he  was  in  consequence  superceded.  Never- 
theless the  American  envoys  at  Paris,  Messrs. 
Pinckney  and  Marshall,  were  ordered  to  quit  the 
territory  of  France;  and  the  difficulties  increased 


288  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

between  the  two  countries  to  such  a  degree  that  it 
resulted  in  a  declaration  of  hostilities. 

In  his  addresses  to  the  National  Legislature, 
"Washington  had  frequently  urged  the  adoption  of 
measures  which  might  accomplish  the  gradual 
diminution  of  the  public  debt.  In  this  patriotic 
purpose  he  was  constantly  supported  by  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton. The  indefatigable  Secretary  of  the  Treasury 
endeavored  to  explore  new  sources  of  revenue.  Yet 
new  taxes  constantly  excited  the  popular  clamor, 
however  indispensable  they  were  to  the  support  and 
the  efficiency  of  the  government.  "While  Congress 
was  engaged  in  discussing  a  report  made  by  a  select 
committee,  on  a  resolution  moved  by  Mr.  Smith  of 
South  Carolina,  to  the  effect  that  further  provision 
should  be  made  for  the  reduction  of  the  public  debt, 
Hamilton  addressed  a  letter  to  the  House  of  Repre- 
sentatives, informing  them  that  he  had  digested 
and  prepared  a  plan  for  the  increase  of  the  na- 
tional revenues,  and  for  the  elevation  of  the  public 
credit.*  This  report  was  regarded  as  a  master-piece 
of  financial  ability. 

This  great  statesman,  wearied  with  the  thankless 
cares  of  office,  and  seeing  the  necessity  of  providing 

*  Report  on  Public  Credit,  sent  to  the  House  of  Representatives, 
January  16th,  1795.  See  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  by  J.  C. 
Hamilton,  Vol.  III.  p.  457,  tt  seq. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  289 

for  the  future  support  of  his  family,  and  the  increase 
of  his  private  fortune,  now  determined  to  devote  his 
talents  to  his  profession.  On  the  1st  of  December, 
1794,  he  gave  notice  to  the  President  that  he  desired 
his  resignation  of  office  to  take  place  on  the  31st  of 
January,  1795.  During  the  latter  part  of  his  ad- 
ministration he  had  submitted  to  the  National 
Legislature  several  additional  reports  connected 
with  the  great  questions  and  interests  of  his  office, 
all  of  which  were  characterized  by  his  usual  ability 
and  profundity.  One  of  these  reports  recommended 
the  establishment  of  a  mint.*  Another  referred  to 
the  subject  of  manufactures,  communicated  to  the 
House  of  Representatives  in  December,  1791. f  A 
third  discussed  the  question  of  duties  on  spirits, 
communicated  in  March,  1792.J  A  fourth  ex- 
amined thoroughly  and  profoundly  the  principle 
of  loans,  and  was  communicated  to  the  National 
Legislature  in  February,  1793.§ 

With  labors  such  as  these  the  connection  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  with  the  federal  government  was  about  to 
terminate.  There  never  lived  a  minister  whose 
conduct  and  career  excited  such  enthusiastic  praise 
on  the  one  hand,  and  such  bitter  execration  on  the 

•  See  Works  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  Vol.  III.  p.  149,  et  seq. 
f  Ibid.  p.  192,  et  &e%.       %  Ibid.  p.  297.        \  Ibid.  p.  371,  et  tey. 


290  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

other.  Yet  the  steady  lapse  of  years  has  now 
clearly  demonstrated,  even  by  the  admissions  of  his 
former  opponents,  that  his  system  was  a  profoundly 
wise,  patriotic,  and  judicious  one.  He  has  very 
justly  been  denominated  the  "founder  of  the  public 
credit  of  the  United  States."  The  great  cardinal 
principle  which  guided  all  his  measures  as  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  was  the  establishment  of  good  faith, 
by  the  punctual  performance  of  contracts,  as  the 
foundation  of  national  credit.  And  to  increase  the 
confidence  of  the  world  in  the  credit  of  the  nation, 
he  repeatedly  urged  upon  Congress  the  propriety 
of  renouncing  expressly,  by  the  passage  of  special 
acts,  all  right  to  tax  the  public  funds,  or  to  seques- 
ter on  any  pretext  the  property  of  foreigners.  It 
was  his  policy  to  enable  the  country  to  develope  in 
every  way  its  immense  resources.  Under  his  ad- 
ministration the  finances  advanced  to  a  state  of 
prosperity  which  was  then  unequaled ;  so  much  so, 
as  even  to  attract  the  attention,  elicit  the  praise,  and 
command  the  confidence  of  the  nations  of  Europe. 
He  never  patronized  the  doctrine,  as  his  enemies 
falsely  charged,  that  a  public  debt  was  a  public 
blessing;  but  he  uniformly  and  consistently  held, 
that  the  progressive  accumulation  of  debt  was  the 
natural  disease  of  all  governments  ;  that  it  ought  to 
be  guarded  against  with  inflexible  perseverance  and 


OP   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  291 

thoughtful  prudence.  He  held  it  to  be  a  funda- 
mental maxim  in  the  system  of  public  credit,  that 
the  creation  of  a  public  debt,  when  it  became  un- 
avoidable, should  always  be  accompanied  with  the 
means  of  its  final  extinguishment.  In  his  lastreport, 
he  strongly  recommended  a  provision  for  augment- 
ing the  sinking  fund,  so  as  to  render  it  commensu- 
rate with  the  entire  debt  of  the  United  States ;  and 
he  proposed  to  secure  that  fund  by  a  sanction  the 
most  inviolable  wThich  could  have  been  devised, 
which  was  to  make  the  application  of  the  fund 
to  the  object  a  part  even  of  the  contract  with  the 
creditor.* 

*  "  Seldom  has  any  minister  excited  the  opposite  passions  of  love 
and  hate  in  a  higher  degree  than  Colonel  Hamilton.  His  talents 
•were  too  prominent  not  to  receive  the  tribute  of  profound  respect 
from  all;  and  his  integrity  and  honor  as  a  man,  not  less  than  his 
official  rectitude,  though  slandered  at  a  distance,  were  admitted  to  be 
superior  to  reproach  by  those  enemies  who  knew  him. 

"  But  with  respect  to  his  political  principles  and  designs,  the 
most  contradictory  opinions  were  entertained.  While  one  party 
sincerely  believed  his  object  to  be  the  preservation  of  the  Consti- 
tution of  the  United  States  in  its  purity ;  the  other,  with  perhaps 
equal  sincerity,  imputed  to  him  the  insidious  intention  of  subvert- 
ing it.  While  his  friends  were  persuaded  that,  as  a  statesman,  he 
viewed  foreign  nations  with  an  equal  eye,  his  enemies  could  per- 
ceive in  his  conduct  only  hostility  to  France  and  attachment  to  her 
rival. 

"  In  the  good  opinion  of  the  President,  to  whom  he  was  best 
known,  he  had  always  held  a  high  place;  and  he  carried  with  him 
out  of  office  the  same  cordial  esteem  for  his  character,  and  respect 
for  his  talents,  which  had  induced  liis  appointment." — See  Marshall's 
Life  of  Washington,  p.  343. 


THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

Mr.  Hamilton's  report  on  manufactures  is  a  pro- 
duction of  unsurpassed  ability.  It  is  probably  the 
most  elaborate  of  all  his  reports.  It  is  distinguished 
by  its  profound  research  and  investigation.  It 
struck  a  deadly  blow  to  the  then  prevalent  and 
fashionable  tenets  of  the  French  economists,  as  well 
as  to  the  kindred  theories  advocated  by  Adam  Smith 
in  his  celebrated  "Wealth  of  Nations."  It  defended 
the  principles  of  the  mercantile  system,  and  proved 
that  while  the  theories  of  the  Scotch  philosopher  are 
beautiful  and  even  amusing  in  the  abstract,  they  are 
not  susceptible  of  a  practical  realization.  Smith 
attacked  the  manufacturing  and  mercantile  interests, 
as  founded  on  an  oppressive  monarchy;  and  as- 
serted the  absolute  freedom  of  commerce  and  in- 
dustry, as  unimpeded  by  legislative  enactments  and 
the  restrictions  of  government.  Hamilton  com- 
bated some  of  the  principles  involved  in  this  doctrine, 
and  adopted  the  mercantile  system  on  the  basis  of 
Belf-defense. 

Mr.  Hamilton,  while  Secretary  of  the  Treasury, 
was  Washington's  constitutional  adviser  in  relation 
to  the  duties  of  his  office ;  and  few  matters  of  im- 
portance were  transacted  without  his  approval. 
The  times  were  exceedingly  critical;  and  the  pro- 
foundest  statesmen  were  often  at  fault.  It  was  the 
period  of  the  first  French  Revolution.  The  whole 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  293 

civilized  world  had  caught  the  insane  excitement 
which  agitated  that  nation,  and  seemed  to  be  in  a 
state  bordering  on  convulsion  and  ruin.  Xot  con- 
tent with  establishing  radicalism  on  a  bloody  throne 
in  the  chivalrous  land  of  Bayard,  Turenne,  and 
Conde';  not  satisfied  with  enthroning  a  licentious 
and  ribald  infidelity  in  the  temples  where  the 
sublime  eloquence  of  Massillon  and  Bossuet  had 
resounded ;  the  French  persisted  in  becoming  the 
crusaders  of  their  rotten  political  and  religious 
creeds,  and  involved  other  nations  in  commotion. 
They  attacked  contiguous  countries  on  the  conti- 
nent, especially  Holland ;  and  passing  over  the  seas 
assailed  England,  and  sought  even  to  embroil  the 
United  States.  To  the  prudence,  ability,  and  saga- 
city of  two  men  chiefly,  this  country  was  indebted 
to  her  comparative  repose  and  prosperity  in  that 
portentous  hour ;  and  those  men  were  Washington 
and  Hamilton.  The  celebrated  essay  termed  Paci- 
ficus  was  written  by  the  latter  in  the  summer  of 
1793,  in  defense  of  the  lawfulness  and  expediency 
of  "Washington's  "Proclamation  of  Neutrality,"  in 
opposition  to  the  restless  and  dangerous  intrigues 
of  M.  Genet.  In  that  work  he  clearly  proves  that 
the  President  had  competent  authority  to  issue  that 
proclamation ;  that  it  was  simply  a  declaration  of 
the  already  existing  law  of  the  land,  which  asserted 


294  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

the  neutrality  of  our  government ;  that  as  constitu- 
tional executor  of  the  laws,  it  was  his  duty  to  see 
that  neutrality  maintained;  that  the  United  States 
were  under  no  obligation  from  existing  treaties  with 
France  to  become  a  party  to  the  war;  that  consider- 
ing the  peculiar  origin  of  the  war  the  United  States 
had  the  most  conclusive  reasons  against  any  such 
interference;  that  gratitude  to  our  benefactors  for 
their  opportune  and  generous  aid  in  the  hour  of  our 
greatest  necessity,  was  not  a  sufficient  reason  why 
we  should  become  a  belligerent  power;  and  that  in 
fact  the  United  States  were  not  the  debtors  to  the 
then  existing  government  in  France,  but  to  the  one 
which  that  government  had  overthrown — to  the 
fallen  Bourbons,  to  the  deadly  and  ruined  foe  of  the 
triumphant  faction  which  then  held  a  usurped  and 
pernicious  power. 

Having  retired  from  the  office  of  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  Mr.  Hamilton  returned  to  New  York  and 
resumed  the  practice  of  the  law.  After  twenty 
years  spent  m  the  public  service  he  had  accumulated 
nothing.  Very  soon  his  professional  profits  becamo 
considerable.  He  stepped1  at  once  from  the  bottom 
to  the  summit  of  that  eminence,  in  the  painful  and 
slow  ascent  of  which  so  many  toil  for  years.  But 
the  splendid  abilities  and  the  universal  fame  of 
Hamilton  rendered  his  progress  entirely  different 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  295 

from  that  winch  marks  the  career  of  ordinary  men. 
He  soon  began  to  reap  the  abundant  harvest  which 
such  talents,  such  industry,  and  such  fame  richly 
deserve. 

His  retirement  was  not  long  uninterrupted.  He 
was  soon  called  upon  to  vindicate  the  character  and 
integrity  of  his  friend,  the  chief  magistrate  of  the 
nation,  from  the  foul  charges  which  an  infamous 
party-hatred  preferred  against  him.  Both  the  mili- 
tary and  political  character  of  "Washington  were 
furiously  assailed.  The  republican  or  radical  party 
asserted  that  he  was  totally  destitute  of  merit, 
either  as  a  soldier  or  as  a  statesman.  Even  his  per- 
sonal qualities  as  a  man  were  ridiculed  and  cen- 
sured. It  was  asserted  that  he  had  violated  the 
Constitution  in  the  recent  treaty  which  had  been 
made  with  England  through  the  agency  of  Mr.  Jay ; 
and  an  impeachment  even  was  threatened  against 
him,*  whom  all  wise  and  good  men  now  designate 
as  the  patriot  who  possessed  the  severest  virtue 
known  in  modern  times ;  who  happily  mingled  in 
one  the  characters  of  Aristides,  Cincinnatus,  and 
Scipio.  It  was  also  asserted  that  he  had  drawn 
from  the  Treasury  for  his  private  use,  more  than  the 
amount  of  salary  allowed  him  by  law.  To  support 

*  See  "  Marshall's  Life  of  Washington,"  Vol.  I.  p.  349. 


296  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

this  last  infamous  assumption,  extracts  from  the  ac- 
counts of  the  Treasury  Office  were  laid  before  the 
House  of  Representatives. 

Hamilton  came  forward  boldly  to  the  defense  of 
his  ancient  friend.  He  denied  publicly  and  of- 
ficially in  the  journals  that  the  appropriations  made 
by  the  government  had  ever  been  exceeded.  The 
infamous  charge  was  again  repeated  and  insisted 
on  ;  and  then  was  seen  that  most  despicable  specta- 
cle which  a  degraded  humanity  ever  exhibits,  when 
it  eagerly  seizes  the  opportunity  to  exult  in  the 
degradation  of  exalted  personages  and  of  immortal 
names  which  they  had  long  been  compelled  to  re- 
spect and  esteem.  These  unfortunate  circumstances 
induced  Hamilton  to  prepare  and  publish  a  more 
explicit  and  full  explanation.  He  proved  that 
"Washington  had  himself  never  received  in  person 
any  portion  of  his  salary ;  but  that  the  money  had 
all  been  received  and  disbursed  by  the  person  who 
superintended  the  expenses  of  his  household.  He 
showed  that  it  was  the  practice  of  the  Treasury, 
when  a  certain  sum  had  been  appropriated  for  the 
current  year,  to  pay  it  to  that  gentleman  when  called 
upon.  The  expenses  of  some  periods  of  the  year 
sometimes  exceeded  the  allowance,  and  at  others 
they  fell  short  of  it.  Sometimes  money  was  paid  in 
advance  and  sometimes  money  stood  to  the  credit 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  297 

of  the  President's  household.  In  all  these  matters 
"Washington  himself  had  never  personally  inter- 
fered. So  complete  was  the  vindication  published 
by  Hamilton  of  his  illustrious  friend,  that  even  the 
foul  tongue  of  faction  was  at  last  silenced ;  and  the 
public  confidence  was  restored  again  to  the  founder 
of  the  Republic. 

But  these  incidents,  among  the  last  which  occurred 
during  the  administration  of  Washington,  and  which 
for  a  short  period  very  considerably  disturbed  his 
repose,  serve  pre-eminently  to  show  the  instability 
and  worthlessness  of  the  popular  judgment.  In 
spite  of  all  the  unequaled  assurances  which  the 
long  career  of  public  service,  extending  for  nearly 
forty  years,  in  which  "Washington  had  occupied  posi- 
tions of  high  trust  and  importance,  that  his  integrity 
and  virtue  were  immaculate,  the  voice  of  the 
insane  and  ungrateful  populace  charged  him  with 
being  a  thief,  and  even  threatened  him  with  au 
impeachment ! 

Mr.  Hamilton  had  been  the  chief  support  of  the 
two  administrations  of  Washington ;  and  when  its 
jurisdiction  terminated  it  left  the  country  in  a  high 
state  of  prosperity.  At  home  a  sound  condition 
of  public  credit  had  been  established.  An  immense 
floating  debt  had  been  securely  funded  in  such  a 
manner,  that  all  the  creditors  of  the  nation  were 


298  THE   LIFE   AND    TIMES 

perfectly  satisfied.  The  difficulties  which  are  usu- 
ally connected  with  a  system  of  internal  taxation 
Tvere  gradually  removed.  The  authority  of  the 
central  government,  once  viewed  by  the  States 
with  so  much  jealousy,  and  yet  so  indispensable  to 
the  prosperity,  unity,  and  harmony  of  the  whole, 
was  finally  established.  A  considerable  portion  of 
the  public  debt  had  already  been  discharged,  and  a 
method  for  the  payment  of  the  balance  provided. 
The  agricultural  and  commercial  wealth  of  the  na- 
tion had  been  nurtured  and  increased.  The  nume- 
rous tribes  of  Indians  who  occupied  the  territories 
which  lay  between  the  confines  of  civilization  and 
the  Mississippi  were  awed  into  a  respectful  peace, 
and  had  become  the  Allies  of  the  white  race.  That 
humane  system  was  already  begun  which  has  since 
to  some  extent  been  pursued,  by  which  the  children 
of  the  forest  were  civilized,  and  furnished  with  the 
blessings  and  conveniences  of  settled  life.  Abroad, 
all  the  differences  of  the  nation  had  been  happily 
adjusted.  Spain  had  been  conciliated,  and  the  free 
navigation  of  the  Mississippi  had  been  acquired. 
Treaties  had  been  formed  with  Algiers  and  Tri- 
poli, which  secured  to  American  commerce  free 
access  to  the  ports  of  the  Mediterranean.  The 
various  members  of  the  Confederacy  had  been 
moulded  into  a  vigorous  and  harmonious  whole. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  299 

A  great  and  powerful  nation  had  arisen  on  the 
wide-spread  ruins  of  British  despotism.  Wash- 
ington retired  at  last  to  the  shades  of  Mount  Ver- 
non,  surrounded  with  the  applause  of  grateful  and 
appreciative  millions,  in  order  there  to  glido  down 
the  vale  of  years  unobtrusively,  in  the  enjoyment 
of  that  repose  to  which  he  had  been  so  long  a 
stranger.  And  to  Hamilton  all  these  happy  re  suits 
were  due,  in  no  inconsiderable  degree. 


300  TIIE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

CHARGES  OP  OFFICIAL  FRAUD  HADE  AGAINST  HAMILTON — HE  DEFENDS 
HIMSELF — AFFAIR  OF  MARIA  REYNOLDS — CONSPIRACY  TO  EXTORT  MONET 
— PERVERTED  BY  HAMILTON'S  ENEMIES  TO  SERVE  PARTY  PURPOSES — 
HIS  FINAL  AND  TRIUMPHANT  VINDICATION  OF  HIMSELF — HAMILTON  DE- 
VOTES HIMSELF  TO  THE  LABORS  OF  HIS  PROFESSION — WRITES  CAMIL- 
L0S — THREATENED  WAR  WITH  FRANCE ACTIVE  MEASURES  OF  DE- 
FENSE TAKEN  BY  THE  UNITED  STATES — THE  DIFFICULTIES  FINALLY 
ADJUSTED  —  HAMILTON  PUBLISHES  MANLIUS  AND  THE  STAND  —  HK 
WRITES  WASHINGTON'S  FAREWELL  ADDRESS. 

DURING  that  excited  period  of  American  history 
which  is  comprised  within  the  second  administra- 
tion of  Washington,  party  hostility  was  not  con- 
fined to  assaults  upon  the  chief  magistrate  alone. 
The  conduct  of  the  leading  members  of  his  Cabinet 
was  violently  and  bitterly  assailed.  While  yet  in 
office,  Mr.  Hamilton  had  successfully  vindicated  him- 
self against  several  of  these  attacks.  Immediately 
after  his  retirement  he  was  compelled  again  to  as- 
sume the  defensive.  In  a  work  published  in  1797, 
entitled  the  "".History  of  the  United  States  for  the 
year  1796,"  charges  of  peculation  and  fraud  in  the 
revenue  were  renewed  against  him.*  Then  ensued 

*  See  "Observations  on  certain  Documents  contained  in  Nos.  V. 
and  VI.  of  the  History  of  the  United  States,  for  the  year  1796,  in 
•which  the  charge  of  speculation  against  Alexander  Hamilton  is  fully 
refuted.  Written  by  Himself.  Philadelphia,  printed  for  John 
Feuuo,  by  Johu  Bioren,  1797." 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  301 

one  of  the  most  unfortunate  incidents  in  the  life 
of  Hamilton.  In  order  to  defend  himself  against 
the  alleged  crime  of  dishonesty  as  a  public  officer,  he 
was  compelled  to  acknowledge  and  expose  his  weak- 
ness as  a  man.  There  are  spots  even  on  the  disc  of  the 
sun ;  and  the  only  defect  in  the  character  of  Alex- 
ander Hamilton  was  the  one  which  was  dragged 
into  public  view  by  the  defense  which  he  made  ou 
this  occasion.  Impartial  history  dares  not  wholly 
overlook  the  incidents  connected  with  this  affair, 
arid  Hamilton's  exalted  fame  can  well  afford  to 
bear  the  brief  recital  of  them. 

In  the  year  1791,  while  the  seat  of  government 
was  located  at  Philadelphia,  a  female  of  more  than 
ordinary  beauty  of  person  called  at  the  residence 
of  Mr.  Hamilton  in  that  city,  and  desired  to  have 
a  private  interview  with  him.  She  stated  she  was 
a  native  of  the  city  of  New  York,  and  a  sister  of 
Mr.  George  Livingston ;  that  knowing  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton had  resided  in  that  city  she  had  ventured  to 
call  upon  him  to  obtain  assistance  to  return  thither, 
as  she  had  been  recently  deserted  by  her  husband, 
James  Reynolds,  without  any  means  of  support. 
Mr.  Hamilton,  with  his  usual  generosity  of  dispo- 
sition, complied ;  and  at  her  earnest  request  visited 
her  at  her  lodgings.  An  intimacy  then  ensued. 
There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  whole  intrigue 
20 


302  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

was  arranged  between  the  husband  and  wife,  for 
the  express  purpose  of  extorting  money  from  the 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury ;  for  soon  afterward 
James  Reynolds  himself  appears  upon  the  scene  of 
action,  loudly  asserting  that  his  conjugal  rights 
and  honor  had  been  invaded,  and  that  the  offender 
snould  be  made  to  pay  heavy  penalties  for  the  out- 
rage. Mrs.  Reynolds  acted  her  part  with  all  the 
adroitness  and  duplicity  of  a  consummate  trickster. 
Sums  of  money  not  much  exceeding  a  thousand 
dollars,  were  obtained  from  time  to  time  by  threats 
from  their  victim.  At  length  Reynolds  demanded 
employment  as  a  subordinate  agent  in  the  office 
then  held  by  Mr.  Hamilton;  but  the  latter,  having 
found  reason  to  suspect  that  Reynolds  was  a  prac- 
ticed knave,  was  too  honorable  to  sacrifice  the 
public  interest  and  his  duty  to  his  country  to  his 
personal  security  and  private  reputation.  The  de- 
mand of  Reynolds  was  peremptorily  refused.  This 
wretch  then  determined  upon  having  revenge.  He 
obtained  the  aid  of  an  accomplice  named  Clingman, 
as  vile  and  as  unprincipled  as  himself.  They  finally 
consented  to  accept  a  thousand  dollars,  as  a  com- 
pensation in  full  for  all  the  injuries  which  Reynolds 
supposed  himself  to  have  endured.  This  salvo  to 
his  wounded  honor  was  paid.  Reynolds  then  by 
letter  invited  Hamilton  to  renew  his  visits  to  hia 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  303 

wife.  The  fair  lady  was  herself  also  importunate 
in  her  requests  to  the  same  effect;  and  Hamilton 
complied.  Further  demands  for  money  were  then 
subsequently  made,  which  were  not  satisfied  to 
their  full  extent. 

Reynolds,  his  wife,  and  Clingman  from  that 
moment  began  systematically  to  blacken  the  cha- 
racter and  reputation  of  Mr.  Hamilton,  and  to 
spread  the  most  injurious  reports  respecting  him. 
These  soon  reached  the  ears  of  the  members  of 
Congress.  On  the  15th  December,  1792,  Messrs. 
Monroe,  Yenable,  and  Muhlenberg  waited  on  Mr. 
Hamilton,  and  informed  him  that  they  felt  it  their 
duty  to  say  that  they  had  heard  of  a  very  improper 
pecuniary  connection  between  himself  and  Mr. 
James  Reynolds;  that  they  had  become  possessed 
of  some  documents  of  a  suspicious  character;  that 
they  felt  compelled  to  lay  the  matter  before  the 
President ;  but  that  before  doing  so,  they  thought 
proper  to  give  him  the  opportunity  of  an  explana- 
tion. Mr.  Hamilton  promptly  replied  that  he  pos- 
sessed documents  which  conclusively  proved  that 
his  relation  to  Reynolds  was  one  entirely  of  a  per- 
sonal nature,  having  nothing  whatever  to  do  with 
affairs  either  of  speculation  or  of  government.  On 
presenting  those  proofs  for  inspection,  the  three 
gentlemen  declared  themselves  perfectly  convinced 


804  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

of  Hamilton's  innocence,  even  before  he  had 
concluded  his  explanations;  and  desired  him 
not  to  continue  them.  He  insisted  however  ou 
completing  his  defense.  They  were  then  entirely 
satisfied  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  innocence;  and  even 
apologized  for  having  introduced  the  subject  to  his 
notice. 

There  this  disagreeable  matter  ended,  until  the 
appearance  of  the  "History  of  the  United  States 
for  1796."  The  enemies  of  Mr.  Hamilton  in  that 
work  denied  that  the  intercourse  between  him  and 
the  lady  in  question  was  an  affair  of  the  heart,  but 
contended  that  it  was  one  of  financial  speculation. 
The  letters  of  Mrs.  Reynolds  to  Mr.  Hamilton 
themselves  proved  the  utter  absurdity  of  this 
charge,  and  were  published  by  him  in  connection 
with  his  defense.  The  fact  was  that  this  romantic 
connection  was  seized  upon  by  Colonel  Burr,  and 
other  political  and  implacable  foes  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
to  cover  him  with  the  foulest  and  falsest  charges 
of  official  dishonesty;  but  the  consequence  was, 
that  the  defense  made  by  the  accused  was  so  over- 
whelmingly convincing  and  satisfactory,  that  it 
resulted  only  in  the  exposure  of  an  amiable  and 
chivalrous  weakness  in  Mr.  Hamilton,  of  which  the 
world  had  not  suspected  him — so  high,  so  stainless, 


OF   ALIXANDER   HAMILTON.  305 

and  so  unimpeachable  was  his  character  in  every 
other  imaginable  particular.* 

On  retiring  from  his  official  station,  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton devoted  himself  to  his  professional  duties.  He 
was  soon  surrounded  with  a  very  large  and  lucra- 
tive practice.  He  became  a  great  favorite  with  the 
New  York  merchants,  and  they  confided  their  most 
important  interests  to  his  care.  The  treaty  which 
had  been  negotiated  with  England  having  again 
called  forth  the  most  furious  hostility  against  "Wash- 
ington, Mr.  Hamilton  devoted  the  summer  of  1795 
to  a  defense  of  the  provisions  of  this  treaty  in  a 
series  of  essays  under  the  signature  of  "  Camillus."t 
This  is  one  of  the  most  lengthy  and  labored  of  his 
various  productions.  The  first  twenty-two  num- 
bers are  appropriated  to  an  investigation  of  the 
ten  permanent  articles  of  this  treaty.  The  doc- 
trines defended  in  these  letters  remain  to  this  day 
the  undisputed  law  of  the  land.  The  remaining 
portion  of  the  work  discusses  that  part  of  the 

•  Reynolds  andClingman  having  both  been  arrested  on  the  charge 
of  perjury,  whereby  they  had  obtained  money  dishonestly  from  the 
Treasury  of  the  United  States,  it  furnished  a  favorable  opportunity 
to  connect  Mr.  Hamilton's  name  with  the  affair  through  his  relation 
to  lleyuolJs's  wife.  See  "Observations  on  the  History  of  the  United 
States  for  the  year  1796,  by  Alexander  Hamilton,"  &c.,  in  Appen- 
dix ISo.  I.  of  that  work.  There  is  also  evidence  to  prove  that  the 
f;isc';nating  "  Mrs.  Reynolds  '  was  not  in  fact  the  wife  of  Reynolds, 
but  the  mistress  both  of  Reynolds  and  of  Clingman. 

•j-  See  Hamilton's  Works  by  his  son,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  172,  et  teq. 


806  TIIF   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

treaty  which  was  commercial  and  temporary,  and 
which  has  already  expired  by  its  own  limitation. 
The  ability  displayed  in  this  production  renders  it 
one  of  the  most  complete  and  satisfactory  exposi- 
tions or  discussions  of  a  complicated  diplomatic 
question,  which  is  in  existence.  The  positions  as- 
sumed by  Mr.  Hamilton,  in  reference  to  the  bene- 
ficial operation  of  this  treaty,  have  long  since  been 
amply  vindicated  and  proved  by  the  lapse  of  time. 
The  main  question  in  dispute  was  not  whether  the 
treaty  was  in  all  respects  the  most  desirable  which 
could  have  been  devised,  but  whether  the  treaty 
did  not  adjust,  in  a  fair  and  reasonable  manner,  the 
existing  differences  between  the  two  nations;  and 
whether  both  the  interests  and  the  honor  of  the 
United  States  did  not  then  require  its  adoption. 
Very  soon  the  storms  of  opposition  which  arose 
against  the  treaty,  and  against  those  who  framed  and 
approved  it,  subsided;  and  "  Camillus"  aided  very 
effectually  in  the  attainment  of  this  desirable  result. 
The  most  important  articles  were  the  third,  which 
discussed  the  commercial  intercourse  between  the 
United  States  and  Canada,  and  the  tenth,  which 
provided  against  the  confiscation  of  private  debts 
in  time  of  war.  The  argument  of  "Camillus"  on 
the  latter  point  forms  an  independent  treatise  of 
itself;  and  constitutes  such  a  chapter  on  an  impor- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  307 

tant  doctrine  of  the  law  of  nations  as  Grotius  and 
Brinckershoek  might  themselves  have  produced. 
It  views  the  subject  in  a  comprehensive  light,  both 
with  reference  to  reason  and  principle,  to  policy 
and  expediency,  to  the  sentiments  of  the  most  emi- 
nent jurists  and  the  general  usage  of  civilized  na- 
tions ;  and  next  to  the  Federalist  will  constitute  the 
most  remarkable  and  permanent  literary  monument 
of  the  genius  of  its  author. 

The  country  was  now  menaced  with  a  war  with 
France ;  and  its  two  most  distinguished  citizens, 
Washington  and  Hamilton,  were  forced  from  their 
retirement  by  a  strong  sense  of  public  duty,  to 
take  a  prominent  part  in  its  incidents.  The  recall 
of  M.  Genet  had  not,  as  it  was  hoped,  settled  the 
difficulty  between  the  two  countries.  Three  pleni- 
potentiaries had  been  sent  to  France  after  the  de- 
parture of  M.  Genet,  of  whom  General  Pinckney 
was  the  chief.  For  a  considerable  period  no  offi- 
cial intelligence  reached  the  United  States  in  refe- 
rence to  their  negotiations  at  Paris.  At  length  iu 
January,  1798,  dispatches  were  received  from  them 
stating  that  an  unfavorable  state  of  things  existed. 
In  the  succeeding  spring  they  advised  the  American 
government  of  the  total  failure  of  their  endeavors  to 
adjust  the  existing  disputes.  The  French  Directory, 
under  various  and  absurd  pretexts,  delayed  to  recog- 


308  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

i 

nize  the  emissaries  of  the  United  States.  They 
were  repeatedly  insulted  and  assailed  by  persons 
acting  under  the  influence  of  the  existing  govern- 
ment, demanding  money  from  the  United  States 
as  an  indispensable  preliminary  before  any  other 
steps  could  be  taken,  not  only  of  reconciliation 
with  France  but  also  of  negotiation  on  the  subjects 
of  the  proposed  treaty.  They  attempted  basely  to 
work  upon  the  fears  of  the  American  plenipoten- 
tiaries. The  superior  and  overwhelming  power  of 
France  was  dwelt  upon.  Allusions  were  made  to 
her  triumphs  over  the  United  Netherlands,  over 
the  republic  of  Geneva,  over  the  Swiss  cantons, 
over  Genoa  and  Venice — all  of  which  had  either 
been  vanquished  by  her  invincible  arms  or  crushed 
by  her  more  formidable  embraces.  At  that  very 
moment  she  was  actively  engaged  in  fitting  out  a 
vast  and  powerful  armament  in  the  ports  of  the 
Mediterranean,  for  some  distant  and  unrevealed 
expedition  of  conquest  and  plunder.  The  inference 
plainly  hinted  at  was,  that  it  was  intended  for  the 
anticipated"  conflicts  with  the  United  States  of 
America. 

At  length  the  American  envoys  were  compelled 
to  refuse  all  further  personal  communication  with 
the  haughty  and  insulting  statesmen  who  then  held 
a  despotic  but  transient  and  pernicious  power  in 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  309 

France.  They  addressed  a  communication  to  the 
"Minister  of  Exterior  Relations,"  in  which  they 
explained  their  position,  their  purposes,  and  their 
duties.  This  prudent  step  produced  no  effect.  The 
insults  of  France  became  even  more  intolerable. 
Her  cruisers  waged  open  and  undisguised  hostili- 
ties on  American  commerce.  The  flag  of  the 
United  States  was  insulted  by  her  ships  on  every 
sea,  and  furnished  a  sufficient  provocation  for  the 
assault  and  capture  of  every  vessel  over  which  jt 
waved. 

At  last  the  American  envoys  were  ordered  to 
quit  the  French  territories.  These  events  were 
then  officially  communicated  to  Congress.  A  nar- 
rative of  them  was  published ;  and  it  excited  to  an 
intense  degree  the  just  indignation  and  resentment 
of  the  whole  nation.  Congress  resolved  to  adopt 
vigorous  measures  of  retaliation  and  defense.  The 
most  important  of  these  was  the  establishment  of 
a  regular  army.  As  soon  as  this  purpose  was  made 
known,  the  whole  community  with  one  voice  again 
invited  General  "Washington  to  emerge  from  his 
honorable  retirement,  and  assume  the  chief  com- 
mand. He  was  the  only  person  who,  in  that  high 
place,  could  allay  existing  jealousies,  could  com- 
mand the  confidence  of  the  whole  people,  and 


S10  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

could  enlist  in  the  public  service  the  best  talents  of 
every  class  and  every  party. 

In  reply  to  a  letter  from  the  President  he  wrote : 
"  In  case  of  actual  invasion  by  a  formidable  force,  I 
should  not  intrench  myself  under  cover  of  age  and 
retirement,  if  my  services  should  be  required  by  my 
country  to  assist  in  repelling  it."  He  added  that 
his  principles  through  life  had  been  such,  that  he 
could  never  withhold  his  services  from  his  country 
in  any  emergency  of  her  history.  But  he  intimated 
that  several  provisos  would  accompany  his  accept- 
ance of  the  responsible  trust  of  commander-in-chief. 
He  made  it  a  conditio  sine  qua  non  that  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton should  be  appointed  to  the  post  of  second  in 
command  as  Inspector-general.  By  this  arrange- 
ment he  would  occupy  the  place  of  Washington  as 
military  chief  when  the  army  was  not  engaged  in 
actual  service ;  and  in  case  of  his  death,  which 
subsequently  occurred,  Hamilton  would  assume 
the  post  of  commander-in-chief  of  the  American 
armies. 

The  moment  the  French  Directory  discovered  that 
the  United  States  had  taken  decisive  steps  of  resist- 
ance and  defense,  they  assumed  a  more  rational  and 
conciliatory  tone.  As  soon  as  Congress  uttered 
haughty  and  determined  language,  and  impera- 
tively demanded  a  relinquishrnent  of  the  arrogant 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  311 

and  unjust  claims  of  the  French  for  large  pecuniary 
advances,  their  communications  were  treated  with 
more  deference.*  The  Directory  soon  made  indirect 
overtures  of  a  pacific  nature,  and  three  American 
envoys  were  again  sent  to  Paris.  On  their  arrival, 
they  found  the  French  government  sternly  grasped 
by  the  strong  arm  of  Napoleon ;  with  whom  they 
soon  succeeded  in  making  an  amicable  adjustment 
of  the  differences  between  the  two  countries.  Thus 
the  evils  of  war  were  happily  averted ;  the  blessings 
of  peace  were  secured ;  the  Father  of  his  country 
again,  and  for  the  last  time,  gracefully  withdrew 
into  the  shades  of  retirement;  and  Hamilton  pur- 
sued his  professional  career.  During  the  period 
that  an  anticipated  war  with  France  occupied  the 
public  attention,  Hamilton  had  published  a  series 
of  essays  under  the  titles  of  "  The  Stand"  and  "  Titus 
Manlius,"  the  purport  and  effect  of  which  were,  to 
arouse  the  country  to  a  sense  of  their  impending 
danger,  and  induce  them  to  provide  vigorous  and 

*  Actual  hostilities  had  commenced  at  sea.  Two  severe  and  well 
fought  conflicts  took  place  between  the  American  frigate  Constella- 
tion, of  thirty-eight  guns,  and  the  French  frigate  L'Insurgente,  of 
forty ;  and  between  the  Constellation  and  La  Vengeance,  of  fifty  guns. 
L'Insurgente  was  captured.  La  Vengeance  after  having  struck  her 
colors,  escaped  at  night.  These  brilliant  triumphs  of  Com.  Trux- 
ton  opened  the  eyes  of  the  French  Directory,  and  quickly  modified 
their  policy  toward  the  United  States. 


312  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

efficient  means  for  the  national  defense.*  Hamil- 
ton continued  in  the  office  of  commander-in-chief 
of  the  American  armies,  to  which  post  he  succeeded 
on  the  death  of  Washington,  until  the  disbandment 
of  the  forces  in  the  summer  of  1800.  While  he 
occupied  this  high  office  he  bestowed  the  most  un- 
wearied efforts  to  the  organization  and  discipline  of 
the  troops.  He  industriously  studied  the  science  of 
war,  and  its  cognate  themes  of  mathematics,  geome- 
try and  engineering.  Had  actual  hostilities  com- 
menced after  the  death  of  Washington,  Hamilton 
would  doubtless  have  succeeded  to  the  military  fame 
and  glory  of  that  great  man.  It  is  scarcely  possible 
to  estimate  the  splendor  of  those  achievements, 
which  his  transcendent  abilities  would  have  a- 
chieved  in  a  high  position  so  worthy  of  his  genius, 
and  in  a  glorious  cause  whose  success  so  completely 
absorbed  his  sympathies.  It  is  probable  that  Ha- 
milton would  have  stood  second  in  the  military 
annals  of  the  nation,  as  he  now  stands  in  her  civil 
history.  In  that  case  it  is  neither  extravagant  or 
rhapsodical  to  affirm  that  the  celebrity  which  would 
suiTOund  the  name  of  Hamilton  would  exceed  that 
of  any  other  statesman  and  hero  of  modern  times. 
The  prophetic  and  sagacious  eye  of  Washington 

•  See  Works  of  Hamilton,  by  his  son,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  590. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  313 

doubtless  anticipated  this  result  when  he  demanded 
the  appointment  of  Hamilton  as  his  coadjutor.  It 
was  at  the  termination  of  this  service,  when  he 
again  resumed  his  professional  duties,  that  Mr. 
Hamilton  declared  with  the  proud  independence  of 
his  nature,  that  he  would  never  again  accept  of  any 
public  office,  unless,  in  the  event  of  a  foreign  war, 
he  should  be  called  on  to  expose  his  life  in  the  ser- 
vice and  defense  of  his  country.* 

Having  resumed  once  more  his  professional  duties, 
it  was  not  long  before  Mr.  Hamilton  was  called 
upon  to  perform  the  last  office  of  friendship  for  his 
illustrious  friend  Washington.  With  great  pro- 
priety that  distinguished  sage  and  patriot  deter- 
mined, before  he  left  this  stage  of  action,  to  bequeath 
to  the  country  which  he  had  so  ably  and  faithfully 
served,  a  legacy  of  wise  counsels,  of  sagacious  prin- 
ciples, of  prudent  cautions,  and  of  benignant  prayers 
and  blessings.  Distrusting  his  own  abilities  as  a 
writer,  impaired  as  they  somewhat  were  by  the  pro- 
gress of  age  and  infirmity,  to  do  full  justice  to  his 
own  thoughts  and  feelings  on  so  memorable  an 
occasion,  he  looked  around  him  for  a  coadjutor 
among  the  statesmen  of  the  land,  to  whose  talents, 
prudence  and  patriotism  he  could  intrust  the  first 

*  See  "  Hamiltoniad,"  in  two  books.  Philadelphia,  1804.  Ap- 
pendix, p.  54. 

27 


314  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMES 

draft  of  so  important  an  instrument.  It  is  not  the 
least  among  the  many  brilliant  honors  which  so 
proudly  cluster  around  the  name  and  genius  of 
Hamilton,  that  he,  while  still  comparatively  a  young 
man,  was  selected  by  "Washington  for  that  great 
task.*  Never  was  a  high  and  solemn  trust  more 
faithfully  and  ably  executed.  That  sublime  pro- 
duction known  as  Washington's  Farewell  Address, 
is  an  immortal  legacy  of  inestimable  political  truth, 
not  only  to  the  freemen  of  our  own  confederacy,  but 
to  the  whole  human  family,  whose  aspirations  seek 
after  the  attainment  of  true  liberty,  elevation  and 
felicity.  Its  style  comports  with  the  dignity  of  the 
subject  and  of  the  occasion ;  and  no  more  impres- 
sive spectacle  is  presented  by  the  checkered  page  of 
history  than  the  great  Father  of  his  Country,  after 
having  served  her  so  well  in  both  the  highest  mili- 
tary and  civil  trusts,  voluntarily  retiring  to  the 
shades  of  domestic  repose,  and  thence,  e'er  he  passes 
quietly  from  the  scene  which  his  matchless  virtues 
had  illumined  with  so  many  unfading  splendors, 
addressing  to  liis  fellow-citizens  counsels  which,  if 


*  See  Works  of  A.  Hamilton,  by  his  son,  Vol.  VII.,  p.  676,  et  seq. 
Hamilton  also  drafted  Washington's  Message  to  Congress  relative  to 
the  Treaty  with  Great  Britain ;  and  also  Washington's  Speech  to 
Congress,  December,  17%.  See  Hamilton's  Works,  Vol.  VII.,  p. 

'ibl,  ft  SC<][. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  315 

followed  would  conduct  their  country,  through  long 
ages  to  come,  along  a  pathway  of  unrivaled  pros- 
perity, security  and  glory  !  And  how  honorable 
was  it  that  the  youthful  pen  of  Hamilton  should 
have  heen  selected  from  among  those  of  many  im- 
mortal men,  to  give  force  and  utterance  to  the  pre- 
cepts of  such  a  man  on  such  an  occasion !  No 
observer  of  history  can  fail  to  note  the  contrast 
which  exists  between  the  farewell  of  Washington  to 
the  world,  and  that  of  Napoleon,  his  great  rival  in 
the  supremacy  of  modern  fame.  The  one  is  all 
serenity,  tranquillity,  joy,  at  the  growing  happiness 
of  his  country ;  and  satisfaction  at  the  part  which  he 
had  been  permitted  to  play  in  her  establishment 
and  elevation.  The  other  is  furious  and  indig- 
nant as  he  is  rudely  expelled  from  the  gilded  halls 
of  Fontainebleau  by  the  fierce  and  revengeful 
power  of  a  confederate  continent  which  he  had 
cursed  and  ruined.  He  execrates  his  evil  fortune ; 
raves  in  impotent  paroxysms  of  alternate  fury  and 
despair;  and  dies  at  last  in  exile  on  a  detested 
rock,  amid  the  ocean  waste,  uncheered  either 
by  pleasing  recollections  of  the  past  or  by 
grateful  anticipations  of  the  future !  "Washington 
dies  like  a  sage  and  a  patriot;  Napoleon  fumes  out 
the  last  remains  of  life  as  a  brigand  and  an  ad- 
venturer ! 


816  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

Mr.  Hamilton  received  the  news  of  the  death  of 
his  illustrious  friend  with  sentiments  of  profound  sor- 
row. He  rightly  appreciated  the  importance  of  that 
event ;  and  felt  that  now  the  immense  restraint  which 
the  exalted  and  severe  virtue  of  "Washington  had 
always  exercised  over  the  impulses  of  party  discord 
would  be  removed  ;  and  he  viewed  the  consequences 
not  without  deep  apprehension.  But  personal  feel- 
ings also  mingled  with  his  emotions  of  regret.  The 
venerable  form  of  Washington,  and  his  wise  coun- 
sels, were  connected  with  the  earliest  associations 
of  his  own  manhood.  Together  they  had  endured  the 
toils,  had  fought  the  battles,  had  suffered  the  defeats, 
and  had  achieved  the  victories  of  the  great  Revolution. 
Together  their  patriotic  hearts  had  exulted  at  its 
triumphant  close;  and  when  the  jubilant  shouts  of 
millions  of  freemen  rent  the  heavens  and  shook 
the  earth,  they  had  shared  their  mutual  and  con- 
gratulatory joy.  Together  they  had  often  contem- 
plated the  sublime  perspective  of  thia  vast  republic, 
towering  toward  heaven  in  matchless  symmetry, 
beauty  and  vigor,  and  extending  its  immense  pro- 
portions over  the  whole  length  and  breadth  of  the 
continent;  and  had  rejoiced  with  a  gratitude  not  uri- 
mingled  with  fears,  that  they  had  been  permitted  to 
act  so  prominent  a  part  in  its  creation.  But  now  that 
confidential  intercourse,  so  agreeable  and  so  honor- 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  317 

able  to  both,  had  forever  terminated.  Of  all  the 
statesmen  who  mourned  the  death  of  Washington, 
Hamilton  felt  the  affliction  the  most  deeply,  and 
appreciated  its  importance  the  most  profoundly. 

When  reflecting  upon  the  character  and  career 
of  "Washington  which  thus  terminated,  the  mind 
becomes  impressed  with  a  degree  of  solemn  awe 
and  reverence  which  are  inspired  by  the  contem- 
plation of  no  other  human  being.  We  seem  to  be 
gazing  upward  to  the  summit  of  that  Olympus  on 
which  he  now  serenely  sits,  as  upon  the  form  of 
one  who  belonged  to  that  majestic  race  of  beings 
to  whom  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Eomans  ascribed 
qualities  and  honors  almost  divine, — to  some  mo- 
dern Achilles,  Hercules,  or  Theseus.  Other  dis- 
tinguished men  inspire  us  with  a  noble,  but  with 
a  much  less  profound  and  impressive,  sentiment. 
Frederic  the  Great  excites  our  admiration  for  his 
superior  strategic  skill  as  a  warrior.  William  Pitt 
and  Hamilton  extort  our  applause  for  the  splendor 
of  their  stately  and  resistless  eloquence.  We  com- 
mend Marlborough  and  Wellington  for  their  uni- 
form and  singular  success  on  the  battle-field.  We 
admire  Metternich  and  Talleyrand  for  the  profun- 
dity and  intricacy  of  their  state-craft.  We  at  once 
praise  and  pity  Napoleon  for  the  grandeur  and  the 
insanity  both  of  his  intellect  and  his  ambition. 
27* 


318  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

But  to  Washington  alone,  of  all  illustrious  men,  do 
we  ascribe  the  full  perfection  of  heroism ;  and  him 
only  do  we  contemplate  with  a  reverence  and  ad- 
miration which  are  unmixed  with  the  slightest  alloy 
of  censure,  untarnished  by  the  least  sentiment  of 
detraction.  Of  him  alone  can  we  say  that  his  va- 
rious qualities  were  precisely  such,  and  so  propor- 
tioned and  balanced,  as,  under  the  peculiar  circum- 
stances of  the  case,  all  wise  and  good  men  would 
wish  them  to  have  been.  In  a  word,  "Washington 
was  a  masterpiece  of  human  excellence  on  whom 
no  improvement  could  scarcely  have  been  effected, 
even  by  that  great  creative  power  which  first  called 
him  into  existence ! 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  319 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

NEW  YORK  POLITICAL  PARTIES — THEIR  ORIGIN  AND  HISTORY — THE  WHIGS 
AND  TORIES — GENERAL  SCHUYLER — GEORGE  CLINTON — AARON  BURR — 
HIS  POLITICAL  CAREER — BURR'S  EFFORTS  IN  1800  TO  SECURE  THK 
TRIUMPH  OP  THE  ANTI-FEDERAL  PARTY  IN  NEW  YORK — HAMILTON'S 
ENERGETIC  EFFORTS  TO  DEFEAT  THEM — BURR  ELECTED  VICE-PRESIDENT 
OF  THE  UNITED  STATES — DEATH  OF  HAMILTON'S  SON  IN  A  DUEL — OB- 
SERVATIONS OF  BURR  IN  REFERENCE  TO  THIS  EVENT. 

ALTHOUGH  it  had  been  Hamilton's  settled  pur- 
pose, after  removing  the  helmet  from  his  brow  and 
resuming  his  professional  life  in  New  York,  to  con- 
fine himself  chiefly  to  professional  duty,  yet  his 
great  eminence  as  a  statesman  naturally  placed  him 
at  the  head  of  the  federal  party  in  that  State,  and 
drew  him  into  co-operation  with  the  measures  of 
its  leaders.  The  federal  administration  of  the  elder 
Adams  gradually  became  unpopular  with  the  na- 
tion. The  death  of  Washington,  the  acknowledged 
chief  of  the  party,  completed  the  certainty  of  its  down- 
fall. Mr.  Hamilton  having  retired  both  before  and 
during  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  from  all 
participation  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs,  was 
not  in  the  least  degree  responsible  for  the  errors  of 
that  administration.  When  Mr.  Jefferson  was 


320  THE   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

elected  President,  Hamilton  became  the  leader  of 
the  federal  opposition  in  the  State  of  New  York. 
In  order  to  appreciate  his  position  and  his  policy  in 
this  new  sphere,  it  will  be  necessary  for  us  very 
briefly  to  survey  the  rise  and  progress  of  the  two 
great  parties  into  which  that  State  was  divided,  at 
the  period  of  Mr.  Hamilton's  life  which  now  comes 
under  consideration. 

Immediately  after  the  Declaration  of  Indepen- 
dence, two  parties  were  formed  in  the  State  of  New 
York — the  whigs  and  tories.  In  a  short  time  the 
wings  became  themselves  divided  into  subordinate 
factions.  At  the  first  State  election  which  followed, 
in  1777,  General  Schuyler  was  the  candidate  of  the 
one  for  the  office  of  governor,  and  Mr.  George 
Clinton  became  the  candidate  of  the  other.  The 
latter  was  successful ;  and  from  that  day  the  hosti- 
lity between  the  two  parties  was  continued  and 
gradually  augmenting.  Thus  in  1780  General 
Schuyler  became  a  candidate  for  a  seat  in  Congress; 
but  was  beaten  by  L'Hommidieu,  the  representative 
of  the  Clinton  faction. 

As  will  readily  he  supposed,  Mr.  Hamilton,  being 
a  relative  of  General  Schuyler,  as  well  as  a  fede- 
ralist in  sentiment,  harmonized  from  the  first  with 
the  party  of  that  leader.  His  superior  talents  gra- 
dually gave  him  a  prominence  among  them.  That 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  321 

party  then  included  among  their  number  many  of 
the  oldest  and  most  influential  families  of  the  Colo- 
nial era — the  Jays,  the  Livingstons,  the  Van  Ren- 
Bellaers,  the  Bensons,  the  Varicks.  In  January, 
1788,  the  Legislature  directed  a  State  Convention  to 
be  called,  to  whom  the  adoption  of  the  federal 
Constitution  should  be  referred.  In  this  Conven- 
tion the  Schuyler  party  first  received  the  specific 
epithet  of  federals,  and  the  Clinton  party  that  of 
anti-federals.  The  former  were  more  powerful 
than  their  opponents  in  the  southern  district  of  New 
York.  By  their  influence  the  federal  Constitution 
was  finally  adopted  by  the  State.  About  the  year 
1784,  Aaron  Burr  first  began  to  assume  a  promi- 
nent position  in  the  anti-federal  or  whig  party.  He 
was  at  that  time  elected  by  them  to  represent  the 
city  and  county  of  New  York  in  the  Legislature. 
In  1789  he  was  appointed  through  their  influence 
the  Attorney-General  of  the  State.  By  them  he 
was  elected  in  1791  a  Senator  of  the  United  States. 
Through  their  assistance  he  was  afterward  chosen 
to  the  office  of  Judge  of  the  Supreme  Court.  He 
still  remained  one  of  their  leaders  and  favorites 
until  he  was  elected  a  member,  and  even  the  presi- 
dent, of  the  Convention  which  was  called  to  revise 
the  Constitution  of  the  State;  and  by  their  influence 
and  intrigues  he  was  at  last  elevated,  in  1800,  to 


322  THE   LIFE   AND  TIMKS 

the  high  dignity  of  Vice-Presideut  of  the  United 
States. 

Soon  after  the  adoption  of  the  new  State  Consti- 
tution the  anti-federal  party  became  known  by  a 
designation  which  more  clearly  and  accurately  ex- 
pressed their  sentiments,  and  were  called  demo- 
crats. From  the  year  1790  to  1800  these  two 
parties  were  alternately  triumphant  in  the  State  and 
city  of  New  York.  The  federal  party  were  desir- 
ons  that  the  United  States  should  engage  in  a  war 
with  France;  the  democrats  opposed  it  During 
the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams  party-spirit  ran 
BO  high,  and  became  so  bitter,  that  it  was  deemed 
advisable  for  the  security  of  the  public  peace  to  pass 
a  sedition  law.  Soon  the  democratic  party  in  the 
State  became  subdivided  into  three  factions.  The 
Clintons  led  the  first;  the  Livingstons,  who  had  de- 
serted the  federalists,  the  second;  Aaron  Burr  the 
third.  The  superior  talents  of  this  last  individual 
had  excited  the  apprehensions  and  the  hostility  of 
the  other  two  parties ;  and  their  opposition  to  him 
was  chiefly  one  of  personal  dislike  and  not  of  poli- 
tical principle  or  antagonism. 

In  1800  Mr.  Burr  put  forth  his  utmost  exertions 
to  unite  together  these  three  different  factions  of 
the  democratic  party.  He  succeeded  in  combining 
them  on  the  ticket  nominated  in  the  city  of  New 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  023 

York  for  the  Assembly.  That  ticket  included  such 
men  as  George  Clinton,  Horatio  Gates,  Broekholst 
Livingston,  John  Svvartwout,  and  Henry  Rutgers. 
These  were  among  the  most  eminent  and  popular 
citizens  in  the  State.  The  federal  party,  headed 
by  Mr.  Hamilton,  made  prodigious  exertions  to 
defeat  this  ticket.  Both  Mr.  Burr  and  Mr.  Hamil- 
ton were  incessantly  active;  and  even  at  the  polls 
they  endeavored  to  influence  the  votes  of  the  citi- 
zens. Sometimes  they  met  at  the  same  places,  and  . 
alternately  addressed  the  crowds  in  able  and  elo- 
quent harangues.  On  the  1st  of  May,  1800,  the 
polls  were  closed.  After  a  hard  struggle  the  demo- 
crats triumphed.  The  downfall  of  the  federalists 
seemed  to  be  complete  and  final.  The  latter  were 
then  disposed  to  adopt  the  most  ultra  measures  to 
prevent  so  unfortunate  a  result ;  and  the  report  was 
current  that,  having  at  that  time  a  majority  in  the 
Legislature,  they  proposed  to  Governor  Jay  to  sum- 
mon an  extra  session  of  that  body,  for  the  purpose 
of  changing  the  mode  of  choosing  the  electors  for 
President  of  the  United  States,  and  placing  the 
selection  in  the  hands  of  the  people  by  districts. 
This  expedient  would  have  given  the  federalists  a 
majority  in  the  ensuing  ballot  for  President  and  Vice- 
President ;  and  this  result  wonld  have  altered  the 
whole  aspect  of  American  aftairs.  The  proposition 


824  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

was  in  fact  made  to  Governor  Jay,  himself  a  fede- 
ralist, but  he  refused  to  acquiesce  in  its  execution, 
because  it  seemed  to  him  to  be  a  measure  of  doubt- 
ful propriety  and  expediency. 

In  the  year  1800  the  administration  of  Mr.  Adams 
drew  near  its  close.  The  political  excitement 
which  pervaded  the  country  was  intense.  The  can- 
didates for  the  offices  of  President  and  Vice-Presi- 
dent  were  Adams  and  Jefferson,  Charles  Pinckney 
and  Burr.  During  the  summer  of  1800  Mr.  Ha- 
milton wrote  an  elaborate  pamphlet,  entitled  "A 
letter  from  Alexander  Hamilton  concerning  the 
public  conduct  and  character  of  John  Adams,  Esq., 
President  of  the  United  States."  Its  object  was  to 
secure  the  vote  of  the  State  of  South  Carolina  in 
favor  of  Mr.  Piuckney ;  and  the  intention  had  been 
to  circulate  it  extensively  in  that  State  immediately 
before  the  election.  This  would  probably  have 
given  Mr.  Pinckney  a  majority  of  votes  in  the  elec- 
toral college  over  Mr.  Adams,  by  which  means  the 
latter  would  have  been  chosen  to  the  Vice-Presi- 
dency only.  Yet  the  two  highest  offices  in  the  na- 
tion would  still  have  been  occupied  by  federalists. 

Mr.  Burr  now  adopted  an  expedient  by  which  he 
supposed  that  the  forces  of  the  federal  party  might 
be  effectually  distracted,  and  the  democratic  inte- 
rests be  promoted  in  those  States  in  which  the  elec- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  325 

tion  liad  not  yet  taken  place.  Mr.  Hamilton's 
pamphlet  was  then  passing  through  the  press.  A 
copy  of  it  was  secretly  obtained  by  Burr,  and  ex- 
tracts from  it  were  published  in  the  Aurora  and 
the  New  London  Bee.  The  consequences  of  this 
maneuver  were  such  as  its  shrewd  projector  had 
anticipated.  The  federal  party  instantly  became 
violently  convulsed ;  and  at  length  it  split  into  two 
hostile  fragments.  It  occasioned  the  total  defeat 
of  the  federal  party  in  South  Carolina.  The  saga- 
cious measures  and  restless  activity  of  Mr.  Burr 
at  length  secured  the  entire  defeat  of  the  federal 
party  in  1800,  and  completed  the  revolution  which 
then  took  place  in  the  politics  of  the  country. 

The  democratic  party  were  triumphant.  Demo- 
cratic electors  were  chosen  by  the  legislatures  of  a 
majority  of  the  States.  When  the  college  convened 
two  candidates  for  the  presidency  were  found  to 
have  enlisted  all  their  suffrages.  These  were  Messrs. 
Jefferson  and  Burr.  At  first  Mr.  Burr  was  only 
designed  for  the  office  of  Vice-President;  but 
when  the  balloting  began  it  appeared  that  he  had 
an  equal  number  of  votes  with  Mr.  Jefferson.  In 
this  emergency,  according  to  the  provisions  of  the 
Constitution,  the  decision  devolved  upon  the  House 
of  Representatives.  Thirty-five  ballots  were  taken, 
and  the  same  proportion  of  votes  and  the  same  iu- 
28 


826  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

decisive  result  prevailed.  The  whole  number  of 
electoral  votes  given  were  one  hundred  and  thirty- 
eight.  Seventy  of  these  were  necessary  to  a  choice. 
Both  candidates  numbered  seventy-three  votes. 
Georgia  polled  four  votes.  It  was  contended  that 
these  had  been  illegally  returned.  If  they  had  been 
deducted  from  the  ballots,  neither  candidate  would 
have  had  a  competent  number  of  votes.  A  union 
might  then  have  been  made  with  the  federal  elec- 
tors in  the  college.  But  that  expedient  was  not 
resorted  to.  On  the  thirty-sixth  ballot,  which  took 
place  on  the  17th  February,  1801,  Mr.  Jefferson 
was  declared  duly  elected.  He  had  received  the 
votes  of  ten  States,  which  gave  him  the  requisite 
majority.  Aaron  Burr  having  received  the  next 
highest  number  of  votes,  was  chosen  Vice-Presi- 
dent. 

In  reference  to  the  details  of  this  celebrated  con- 
test, various  rumors  were  prevalent  at  the  time 
derogatory  to  the  integrity  both  of  Jefferson  and 
Burr.  One,  of  these,  referring  to  the  latter,  was, 
that  he  had  secretly  connived  with  the  federalists  in 
order  to  obtain  the  predominance  over  Mr.  Jeffer- 
son. So  generally  was  this  report  circulated  and 
believed,  that  from  that  moment  Burr  began  to 

O 

lose  the  confidence  and  favor  of  the  democratic 
party.  He  published  a  statement  in  vindication  of 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  327 


himself,  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Bloom/field  of 
Jersey,  in  September,  1802,  in  which  he  denied  the 
charge.  It  is  a  circumstance  worthy  of  note,  as 
illustrating  the  great  magnanimity  and  honesty  of 
Mr.  Hamilton,  that  although  this  accusation  pre- 
vailed very  shortly  after  the  infamous  trick  of  Burr, 
by  which  he  had  divided  and  shattered  the  federal 
party,  yet  Hamilton  directly  declared  in  a  written 
and  published  communication,  that  he  had  no  per- 
sonal knowledge  of,  or  belief  in,  the  existence  of 
any  negotiations  between  Mr.  Burr  and  the  mem- 
bers of  the  federal  party.* 

The  opponents  of  Mr.  Hamilton  did  not  recipro- 
cate these  feelings  of  just  and  impartial  forbearance. 
He  and  his  friends  became  the  objects  of  the  most 
unrelenting  persecution.  The  press  was  particu- 
larly vile  and  calumnious  on  this  occasion  ;  and 
some  of  its  members  even  went  so  far  as  to  charge 
Mr.  Hamilton  with  a  design  to  establish  a  mon- 
archy in  the  United  States,  on  the  ruins  of  the 
federal  government,  which  he  himself  had  aided  so 
efficiently  to  erect.  This  last  charge,  publicly  re- 
peated by  the  president  of  a  political  club,  in  a  writ- 
ten and  printed  address,  excited  the  indignation  of 
Philip  Hamilton,  the  eldest  sou  of  General  Hamil- 

*  See  New  York  Evening  Post,  October  13th,  1802. 


328  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

ton,  to  such  a  degree,  that  lie  challenged  the  un- 
principled slanderer  of  Lis  father's  fame.  The 
combatants  met,  and  the  unfortunate  result  of 
the  conflict  was,  that  Philip  Hamilton  fell  a  victim 
to  the  vileness  of  political  hatred,  and  to  mis- 
taken notions  both  of  chivalrous  honor  and  of 
filial  duty.* 

During  the  administration  of  Jefferson,  the  fede- 
ral party  in  New  York  formed  a  respectable  mino- 
rity. Burr  supposed  that,  by  the  union  of  his 
numerous  personal  friends  with  the  democratic 
forces,  and  by  means  of  an  accomplished  fusion  with 
a  portion  of  the  federal  party,  he  might  be  elected 
Governor  of  that  State.  Accordingly  in  February, 
1804,  he  was  nominated  for  that  office  by  a  public 
meeting  in  the  city  of  ISTew  York,  composed  of  per- 
sons belonging  to  these  three  classes.  Morgan 
Lewis  was  nominated  by  the  opposing  faction. 
Both  candidates  were  democrats,  and  both  received 


•  Aaron  Burr  writes  in  the  following  cool  and  satirical  manner 
to  his  idolized -daughter,  the  beautiful  Theodosia,  in  reference  to 
this  sad  event : 

"  You  have  learned  from  the  newspapers  (which  you  never  read) 
the  death  of  Philip  Hamilton.  Shot  in  a  duel  with  Backer,  the 
lawyer.  Some  dispute  at  a  theatre,  arising,  as  is  said,  out  of  poli- 
tics. The  story  is  variously  related ;  will  give  you  a  concise 

summary  of  the  facts,  in  fifteen  sheets  of  paper,  with  comments, 
and  moral  and  sentimental  reflections.  To  this  I  take  the  liberty  of 
referring  you.  A.  BURR." 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  329 

the  support  of  portions  of  the  democratic  and  fede- 
ral parties.  The  excitement  became  intense.  Never 
had  political  and  personal  hostility  been  displayed 
in  so  extreme  a  degree.  General  Hamilton  regard- 
ing Burr  as  an  unprincipled  and  dangerous  man, 
exerted  all  his  influence,  as  might  have  been  ex- 
pected, to  defeat  his  election.  The  press  teemed 
with  the  most  atrocious  libels ;  but  in  these  Hamil- 
ton had  no  share.  The  result  of  the  canvass  was 
that  Burr  was  defeated;  and  the  activity  and  in- 
fluence of  Hamilton  mainly  contributed  to  the 
accomplishment  of  so  desirable  a  result.  The  State 
of  New  York  was  thus  rescued  from  the  official  in- 
fluence and  presence  of  a  man,  whom  the  general 
and  impartial  voice  of  the  nation,  and  of  the  world, 
has  since  stigmatized  precisely  in  the  terms  em- 
ployed in  reference  to  him  by  Mr.  Hamilton. 
They  have  marked  him  as  a  dangerous,  unscru- 
pulous, and  unprincipled  aspirant;  over  whose 
able  mind  principle  and  duty  exercised  no  sway ; 
and  as  one  who  deserves  to  occupy  a  place  in 
history'  hard  by  the  bad  and  ignominious  eminence 
which  has  been  accorded  to  Benedict  Arnold. 
28* 


330  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER  XV. 

6ROWINQ  HOSTILITY  BETWEEN  BURR  AND  HAMILTON — THEIR  REPI-ECTIVB 
QUALITIES  AND  DISSIMILARITY  OP  CHARACTERS — BURR  BECOMES  A 
CANDIDATE  FOR  THE  OFFICE  OF  GOVERNOR  OF  NEW  YORK — HE  IS  DE- 
FEATED BY  THE  EFFORTS  OF  HAMILTON — COMMUNICATION  OF  DR. 
COOPER — FIRST  LETTER  OF  BURR  TO  HAMILTON — HAMILTON'S  REPLY — 
THE  SUCCEEDING  CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  THEM — FUTILE  EFFORTS 
AT  CONCILIATION. 

WE  have  now  arrived  at  that  melancholy  crisis  in 
the  career  of  this  celebrated  man,  at  which  he  be- 
came the  victim  of  the  malignant  hate  and  insatia- 
ble vengeance  of  his  ancient  foe.  The  hostility  and 
rivalry  which  existed  between  Burr  and  Hamilton 
had  been  of  long  standing.  The  dissimilarity  which 
existed  in  their  moral  natures  would  inevitably  have 
brought  them  into  collision.  Burr  was  crafty,  sel- 
fish, unscrupulous,  and.  ambitious.  He  could  as- 
sume all  shapes  and  forms  of  political  and  moral 
character,  in  order  to  promote  his  personal  interests. 
His  chief  agents  and  favorite  means  in  the  accom- 
plishment of  his  ends  were  secresy  and  cunning. 
From  his  youth  he  delighted  to  throw  a  vail  of  ob- 
scurity and  darkness  over  all  his  actions,  even  where 
obscurity  and  darkness  were  not  necessary  to  the 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  331 

attainment  of  success.  In.  weaving  the  intricate 
mazes  of  political  intrigue,  in  the  skillful  use  of 
unscrupulous  means,  in  the  concentration  and  com- 
bination of  effective  forces  and  heterogeneous  ele- 
ments, in  perseverance  amid  difficulties,  in  fortitude 
in  the  midst  of  dangers,  in  coolness,  calmness,  and 
determination,  Aaron  Burr  had  no  superior  among 
modern  statesmen.  He  was  eloquent ;  but  his  elo- 
quence was  simple,  unstrained,  unadorned,  and  dis- 
played its  superior  power  only  by  the  effectiveness 
with  which  it  commanded  the  reasons  and  swayed  the 
wills  of  men.  He  cared  but  little  for  his  country's 
glory ;  his  only  idol  was  himself.  He  entertained 
no  faith  in  moral  obligations ;  scarcely  believed  in 
the  existence  of  a  supreme  governor  of  the  Uni- 
verse; and  was,  in  every  sense,  a  great,  gifted,  cor- 
rupt, and  dangerous  man. 

Alexander  Hamilton  was  directly  the  opposite  of 
his  rival,  both  in  his  mental  and  moral  qualities. 
He  was  honest  and  consistent  in  his  political  belief. 
He  was  very  open,  candid,  and  impulsive  in  his 
nature.  He  too  was  eloquent;  but  his  eloquence 
was  stately,  gorgeous,  ornate,  and  polished.  He 
more  nearly  resembled  Edmund  Burke  both  as  a 
writer,  a  speaker,  and  a  statesman,  than  any  other 
distinguished  man  of  modern  times:  There  was  no  se- 
crecy, craft,  or  duplicity  in  his  composition.  He  loved 


332  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

his  country  with  a  lofty,  generous  and  disinterested 
patriotism  ;  and  to  her  glory  his  great  talents  and 
unwearied  services  were  constantly  devoted.  He 
was  no  civilized  heathen  ;  but  believed  in  the  Chris- 
tian faith,  acknowledged  the  moral  obligation  of 
man  to  his  Creator,  and  was  guided  in  general  by 
a  regard  to  the  claims  of  moral  duty.*  The  best 
estimate  of  his  character  may  be  drawn  from  the 
single  fact  that,  until  Washington's  death,  he  re- 
mained his  bosom  friend,  his  chief  favorite,  his  inti- 
mate and  confidential  associate.f 


*  In  contrast  with  this  clement  in  Hamilton's  character,  the 
reader  may  infer,  from  the  following  extract,  that  of  Hamilton's 
great  political  opponent,  Thomas  Jefferson,  the  leading  anti-fede- 
ralist : — 

In  a  letter  of  May  1st,  1794,  to  Tench  Coxe,  he  thus  vents  bis 
indignation  and  hatred  against  kings  and  priests: — "Your  letters 
give  a  comfortable  view  of  French  affairs,  and  later  events  seem  to 
confirm  it.  Over  the  foreign  powers,  I  am  convinced  they  will 
triumph  completely  ;  and  I  cannot  but  hope  that  that  triumph,  and 
the  consequent  disgrace  of  the  invading  tyrants,  is  destined,  in  the 
order  of  events,  to  kindle  the  wrath  of  the  people  of  Europe  against 
those  who  have  dared  to  embroil  them  in  such  wickedness,  and  to 
bring  at  length,  kings,  nobles,  and  priests  to  the  scaffolds  which 
they  have  been  so- long  deluging  with  human  blood.  I  am  still  warm 
•whenever  I  think  of  these  scoundrels,  though  I  do  it  as  seldo  n  as  I 
can,  preferring  infinitely  to  contemplate  the  tranquil  growth  of  my 
lucerne  and  potatoes." 

•j-  That  Hamilton  was  ambitious  will  not  be  denied;  but  his  was 
an  honorable  ambition,  and  such  as  Washington  himself  describes 
it,  in  a  letter  to  John  Adams  dated  "  Mount  Veruou,  September 
25th,  1798."  "An  ambition  of  that  laudable  kind  which  prompts  a 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  333 

Between  such  men  as  Burr  and  Hamilton  a  deter- 
mined hostility  was  inevitable.  Even  had  they  not 
been  political  rivals,  the  opposition  of  their  personal 
qualities  would  have  made  them  detest  each  other; 
but  when  the  former  cause  of  dislike  was  super- 
added  to  the  latter,  their  antagonism  became  bitter 
and  irreconcilable.  This  feeling  reached  its  climax 
during  the  contest  for  governor  in  the  State  of  Xew 
York  in  1804,  when  Hamilton  succeeded  in  defeat- 
ing the  aspirations  of  Burr  for  the  gubernatorial 
chair.  Burr,  irritated  and  incensed  beyond  mea- 
sure at  this  result,  determined  to  wreak  a  deadly 
and  implacable  revenge;  a  revenge  which  would 
be  satiated  only  by  the  blood  of  his  intended  victim. 
He  industriously  sought  a  pretext  for  that  pur- 
pose ;  nor  was  he  long  in  finding  one  suited  to  hia 
infamous  design.  Among  the  many  and  virulent 
libels  with  which  the  press  had  teemed  during 
the  contest,  not  a  few  of  the  most  irresponsible  of 
them  meddled  with  the  name  of  Hamilton,  as 
being  the  chief  opponent  of  Burr ;  and  one  of 
these  libels,  written  by  Charles  D.  Cooper,  was  seized 
upon  by  Burr  as  suitable  to  the  accomplishment  of 
his  intended  vengeance. 

a  man  to  execel  in  whatever  he  takes  in  hand.  He  is  enter- 
prising, quick  in  his  perceptions,  aud  his  judgment  is  intuitively 
great." 


334  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

On  the  17th  of  June,  1804,  Burr  informed  hia 
intimate  friend  Judge  Van  Ness,  that  he  had  de- 
termined to  demand  from  General  Hamilton  an 
explanation  and  an  apology  for  the  various  censures 
which,  at  different  times,  he  had  passed  upon  his 
personal  and  political  character.  He  pointed  out  to 
Mr.  Van  Ness  a  letter  contained  in  a  published 
journal  and  signed  by  Dr.  Cooper,  in  which  that  wri- 
ter used  these  emphatic  words  to  his  correspondent : 
"  I  could  detail  to  you  a  still  more  despicable  opinion 
which  General  Hamilton  has  expressed  of  Mr.  Burr." 
Burr  requested  Mr.  Van  Ness  to  deliver  to  Mr.  Ha- 
milton a  note  upon  the  subject.  Mr.  Van  Ness 
complied ;  and  on  the  same  day  the  following  letter 
was  conveyed  to  Mr.  Hamilton :  "  Sir  : — I  send  for 
your  perusal  a  letter  signed  Charles  D.  Cooper, 
which,  though  apparently  published  some  time  ago, 
has  but  very  recently  come  to  my  kuoAvledge.  Mr. 
Van  Ness,  who  does  me  the  favor  to  deliver  this, 
will  point  out  to  you  that  clause  of  the  letter  to 
which  I  particularly  request  your  attention. 

"You  must  perceive,  sir,  the  necessity  of  a 
prompt  and  unqualified  acknowledgment  or  denial 
of  the  use  of  any  expressions  which  would  warrant 
the  assertions  of  Mr.  Cooper.  I  have  the  honor  to 
be  your  obedient  servant,  kc." 

Upon  reading  the  note  of  Burr,  and  the  clause 


OP  ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  835 

pointed  out  by  Mr.  Van  Ness,  Hamilton  replied 
that  the  matter  demanded  some  consideration  be- 
fore he  would  be  prepared  to  give  an  answer.  Se- 
veral days  afterward  Hamilton  wrote  and  deliv- 
ered the  following  answer  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  Burr: 
"  NEW  YORK,  June  20,  1804. 

"SiR :  I  have  maturely  reflected  on  the  subject  of 
your  letter  of  the  18th  inst.,  and  the  more  I  have 
reflected  the  more  I  have  become  convinced  that  I 
could  not,  without  manifest  impropriety,  make  the 
avowal  or  disavowal  which  you  seem  to  think  ne- 
cessary. The  clause  pointed  out  by  Mr.  Van  Ness 
is  in  these  terms:  'I  could  detail  to  you  a  still 
more  despicable  opinion  which  General  Hamilton 
has  expressed  of  Mr.  Burr.'  To  endeavor  to  dis- 
cover the  meaning  of  this  declaration,  I  was  obliged 
to  seek  in  the  antecedent  part  of  this  letter  for  the 
opinion  to  which  it  referred  as  having  been  already 
disclosed.  I  found  it  in  these  words :  '  General 
Hamilton  and  Judge  Kent  have  declared,  in  sub- 
stance, that  they  looked  upon  Mr.  Burr  to  be  a  dan- 
gerous man,  and  one  wlio  ought  not  to  be  trusted  with 
the  reins  of  government.' 

"  The  language  of  Doctor  Cooper  plainly  implies 
that  he  considered  this  opinion  of  you,  which  he 
attributes  to  me,  as  a  despicable  one;  but  he  anirms 
that  I  have  expressed  some  other  more  despicable, 


336  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

without,  however,  mentioning  to  whom,  when,  or 
where.  'Tis  evident  that  the  phrase  'still  more 
despicable'  admits  of  infinite  shades,  from  very 
light  to  very  dark.  How  am  I  to  judge  of  the  de- 
gree intended  ?  Or  how  shall  I  annex  any  precise 
idea  to  language  so  indefinite  ? 

"  Between  gentlemen,  despicable  and  more  despicable 
are  not  worth  the  pains  of  distinction ;  when,  there- 
fore, you  do  not  interrogate  me  as  to  the  opinion 
which  is  specifically  ascribed  to  me,  I  must  con- 
clude that  you  view  it  as  within  the  limits  to  which 
the  animadversions  of  political  opponents  upon 
each  other  may  justifiably  extend,  and,  conse- 
quently, as  not  warranting  the  idea  which  Doctor 
Cooper  appears  to  entertain.  If  so,  what  precise 
inference  could  you  draw  as  a  guide  for  your  con- 
duct, were  I  to  acknowledge  that  I  had  expressed 
an  opinion  of  you  still  more  despicable  than  the  one 
which  is  particularized?  How  could  you  be  sure 
that  even  this  opinion  had  exceeded  the  bounds 
which  you  would  yourself  deem  admissible  between 
political  opponents  ? 

"  But  I  forbear  further  comment  on  the  embarrass- 
ment to  which  the  requisition  you  have  made  natu- 
rally leads.  The  occasion  forbids  a  more  ample 
illustration,  though  nothing  could  be  more  easy 
than  to  pursue  it. 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  337 

"Repeating  that  I  cannot  reconcile  it  with  pro- 
priety to  make  the  acknowledgment  or  denial  you 
desire,  I  will  add  that  I  deem  it  inadmissible,  on 
principle,  to  consent  to  be  interrogated  as  to  the 
justice  of  the  inferences  which  may  be  drawn  by 
others  from  whatever  I  have  said  of  a  political  op- 
ponent in  the  course  of  fifteen  years'  competition. 
If  there  were  no  other  objection  to  it,  this  is  suffi- 
cient, that  it  would  tend  to  expose  my  sincerity  and 
delicacy  to  injurious  imputations  from  every  person 
who  may  at  any  time  have  conceived  the  import  of  my 
expressions  differently  from  what  I  may  then  have 
intended  or  may  afterward  recollect.  I  stand  ready 
to  avow  or  disavow  promptly  and  explicitly  any 
precise  or  definite  opinion  which  I  may  be  charged 
with  having  declared  of  any  gentleman.  More  than 
this  cannot  fitly  be  expected  from  me;  and,  espe- 
cially, it  cannot  be  reasonably  expected  that  I  shall 
enter  into  any  explanation  upon  a  basis  so  vague 
as  that  you  have  adopted.  I  trust,  on  more  reflec- 
tion, you  will  see  the  matter  in  the  same  light  with 
me.  If  not,  I  can  only  regret  the-  circumstance, 
and  must  abide  the  consequences. 

"  The  publication  of  Doctor  Cooper  was  never  seen 
by  me  till  after  the  receipt  of  your  letter.  I  have 
the  honor  to  be,  &c." 

This  letter,  which  so  clearly  and  fairly  points  out 
29 


338  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

the  ambiguity  of  the  charge  made  against  him, 
and  the  obvious  unfairness  of  holding  himself  re- 
sponsible for  the  inferences  which  other  persons 
may  be  disposed  to  draw  from  his  conduct  and  lan- 
guage, was  delivered  to  Mr.  Burr  on  the  21st  of  June. 
The  following  reply  was  then  sent  by  him  to  Mr. 
Hamilton:  "Sir:  Your  letter  of  the  20th  has  been 
this  day  received.  Having  considered  it  atten- 
tively, J  regret  to  find  in  it  nothing  of  that  since- 
rity and  delicacy  which  you  profess  to  value. 

"Political  opposition  can  never  absolve  gentle- 
men from  the  necessity  of  a  rigid  adherence  to  the 
laws  of  honor  and  the  rules  of  decorum.  I  neither 
claim  such  privilege,  nor  indulge  it  in  others. 

"  The  common  sense  of  mankind  affixes  to  the 
epithet  adopted  by  Dr.  Cooper  the  idea  of  dishonor. 
It  has  been  publicly  applied  to  me  under  the  sanc- 
tion of  your  name.  The  question  is  not  whether 
he  has  understood  the  meaning  of  the  word,  or  has 
used  it  according  to  syntax,  and  with  grammatical 
accuracy;  but  whether  you  have  authorized  this 
application,  either  directly  or  by  uttering  expres- 
sions or  opinions  derogatory  to  my  honor.  The 
time  'when'  is  in  your  own  knowledge,  but  no  way 
material  to  me,  as  the  calumny  has  now  first  been 
disclosed  so  as  to  become  the  subject  of  my  notice, 
and  as  the  effect  is  present  and  palpable.  Your 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

letter  has  furnished  me  with  new  reasons  for  requir- 
ing a  definite  reply.  I  have  the  honor  to  be  your 
ohedient  servant,  &c." 

On  reading  this  letter  Mr.  Hamilton  remarked, 
that  it  was  not  such  a  one  as  he  had  hoped  to  have 
received.  He  observed  that  it  contained  several 
expressions  which  were  offensive,  and  seemed  to 
prevent  any  further  reply.  He  contended  to  Mr. 
Van  Ness,  that  Mr.  Burr  should  have  demanded 
more  specifically  what  he  had  said  in  the  hearing 
of  the  informant,  Dr.  Cooper,  in  order  that  he 
might  make  either  an  explanation,  a  denial,  or  an 
acknowledgment.  He  would  have  given  such  a  re- 
sponse frankly  as  the  truth  in  the  case  might  have 
demanded.  Mr.  Hamilton  then  informed  Mr.  Van 
Ness,  that  for  the  purpose  of  giving  further  oppor- 
tunity for  the  adjustment  of  the  difficulty,  he  would 
consider  the  last  letter  of  Colonel  Burr  as  with- 
drawn ;  but  if  that  proposal  was  not  agreeable,  Mr. 
Hamilton  had  no  further  reply  to  make,  and  Mr. 
Burr  must  pursue  such  a  course  as  he  deemed  pro- 
per in  the  premises.  Mr.  Hamilton  requested  Mr. 
Van  Ness  to  convey  these  sentiments  to  Mr.  Burr, 
and  offered  to  commit  his  refusal  to  answer  in  writ- 
ing if  Mr.  Van  Ness  desired  it;  which  offer  that 
gentleman  declined. 

This  reply  was  reported  to  Burr,  who  then  re- 


240  THE    LIFE   AND   TTMK3 

sided  at  his  country-house  in  the  vicinity  of  New 
York,  on  the  same  day.  Mr.  Van  Ness  received  an 
answer  the  next  day  to  the  letter  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
from  his  antagonist.  That  letter  was  not  delivered 
in  consequence  of  the  absence  of  Mr.  Hamilton  at 
his  summer  residence  at  Richmond  Hill,  near  New 
York;  hut  Mr.  Yan  Ness  informed  Mr.  Hamilton 
by  letter  that  he  desired  to  wait  upon  him,  and 
wished  to  know  when  he  was  at  leisure  to  receive 
him.  To  this  note  Mr.  Hamilton  wrote  the  follow- 
ing reply  :  "  Sir  : — I  was  in  town  to-day  till  half-past 
one.  I  thank  you  for  the  delicacy  which  dictated 
your  note  to  me.  If  it  is  indispensable  the  com- 
munication should  be  made  before  Monday  morn- 
ing, I  must  receive  it  here ;  but  I  should  think  this 
cannot  be  important.*  On  Monday,  by  nine  o'clock, 
I  shall  be  in  town  at  my  house  in  Cedar  street,  No. 
52,  where  I  should  be  glad  to  see  you.  An  addi- 
tional reason  for  preferring  this  is,  that  I  am  unwil- 
ling to  occasion  you  trouble.  With  esteem  I  am 
your  obedient  servant,  &c." 

The  next  day,  Saturday,  June  22d,  Mr.  Hamilton 
called  upon  Mr.  Pendleton,  his  personal  friend,  and 
communicated  to  him  the  incidents  which  had  oc- 
curred. He  informed  him  that  he  considered  the 

*  Mr.  Van  Ness  had  abstained  from  conveying  a  challenge  to  Mr. 
Hamilton  at  his  country  residence,  as  his  family  were  then  residing 
there  with  him. 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  841 

letters  of  Burr  rude  and  offensive,  and  that  he  could 
not  perceive  how  it  was  possible  for  him  to  return 
any  other  answer  to  them  than  he  had  done ;  that 
lie  had  proposed  that  Mr.  Burr  should  withdraw 
the  second  letter,  which  was  the  most  offensive  of 
the  two,  in  order  that  he  might  substitute  for  it  one 
which  would  admit  of  a  conciliatory  answer.  Mr. 
Hamilton  then  gave  Mr.  Pendleton,  who  was  to 
act  as  his  second  in  the  anticipated  meeting,  the 
following  letter  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  Van  Ness. 
"  NEW  YORK,  June  22,  1804. 

"SiR:  Your  first  letter,  in  a  style  too  peremptory, 
made  a  demand,  in  my  opinion,  unprecedented  and 
unwarrantable.  My  answer,  pointing  out  the  em- 
barrassment, gave  you  an  opportunity  to  take  a  less 
exceptionable  course.  You  have  not  chosen  to  do 
it ;  but,  by  your  last  letter,  received  this  day,  con- 
taining expressions  indecorous  and  improper,  you 
have  increased  the  difficulties  to  explanation  intrin 
sically  incident  to  the  nature  of  your  application. 

"  If  by  a  '  definite  reply'  you  mean  the  direct 
avowal  or  disavowal  required  in  your  first  letter,  I 
have  no  other  answer  to  give  than  that  which  has 
already  been  given.  If  you  mean  any  thing  differ- 
ent, admitting  of  greater  latitude,  it  is  requisite  you 
should  explain. 

"  I  have  the  honor  to  be,  sir,  your  obedient  servant, 
29*  ALEX.  HAMILTON." 


342  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER    XVI. 

BURR'S  EXPLANATION  OF  HIS  GRIEVANCES — MB.  VAN  NESS — JUDGE  PEN- 
DLETON —  HAMILTON'S  HONORABLE  CONCESSIONS — BURR  CHALLENGES 
HAMILTON — THE  CHALLENGE  ACCEPTED — FURTHER  ATTEMPTS  OP  JUDGK 
PKNDLETON  TO  CONCILIATE  AND  AVOID  A  MEETING — HIS  FAILURE. 

AT  nine  o'clock  on  Monday,  June  25th,  Mr.  Van 
Ness  called  at  the  town  residence  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
No.  52  Cedar  street,  for  the  purpose  of  receiving  a 
reply  from  him,  delivering  an  invitation  to  the 
field,  and  making  some  verbal  statements  from  Mr. 
Burr,  explanatory  of  his  position  and  his  feelings. 
Mr.  Burr  had  instructed  Mr.  Van  Ness  to  say,  that 
he  did  not  believe  that  a  political  rivalry  should  au- 
thorize any  liberties,  which  were  otherwise  unwar- 
ranted, to  be  taken  between  the  respective  parties. 
lie  held  that  his  own  conduct  toward  his  political 
opponents  had  always  been  to  speak  of  them  with 
respect,  either  to  do  justice  to  their  merit,  or  else 
to  be  silent  as  to  their  defects ;  and  that  this 
had  invariably  been  his  course  in  reference  to 
Jay,  Adams,  Hamilton,  and  his  other  political  ri- 
vals. Mr.  Burr  believed  that  there  had  been  no 
reciprocity  of  this  generous  feeling  on  the  part 
of  Mr.  Hamilton ;  and  that  for  several  years  he 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  313 

had  approved  the  basest  slanders  which  had  heeu 
propagated  in  reference  to  him.  He  declined  to 
particularize  these  offenses,  as  that  course  would 
only  increase  the  existing  irritation;  but  having 
exercised  a  forbearance  which  had  at  length  as- 
sumed the  form  even  of  humiliation,  he  had  deter- 
mined to  go  no  further.  He  had  come  to  the  con- 
clusion that  Mr.  Hamilton  entertained  the  settled 
purpose  to  insult  and  disgrace  him ;  to  violate  all  the 
courtesies  of  life  toward  him ;  to  persist  in  a  con- 
firmed and  implacable  malevolence  against  him ;  and 
Mr.  Burr  therefore  had  no  other  alternative  than  to 
adopt  the  course  which  he  had  chosen.  He  did  not 
seek  revenge ;  he  only  desired  to  vindicate  his  honor. 
Mr.  Van  Ness  was  then  about  to  offer  Hamilton 
the  challenge  of  Burr  when  he  replied,  that  he  had 
prepared  a  written  answer  to  Mr.  Burr's  last  letter, 
which  he  had  given  to  Judge  Pendleton  to  be  de- 
livered to  him.  Mr.  Van  Ness  replied  that  he  had 
understood  Mr.  Hamilton,  at  the  conclusion  of  their 
last  interview,  to  decline  giving  any  written  response 
to  Col.  Burr's  preceding  letter ;  but  that  if  he  had 
concluded  to  do  otherwise,  he  would  be  pleased  to  re- 
ceive it.  He  accordingly  called  on  Mr.  Pendletou, 
and  received  from  him  the  communication  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  for  Mr.  Burr,  contained  in  the  conclusion 
of  the  preceding  chapter.  After  that  letter  had 


344  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

been  conveyed  to  Mr.  Burr  another  interview  fol- 
lowed between  the  seconds;  at  which  Mr.  Van 
Ness  informed  Mr.  Pendleton  that  the  letter  had 
been  delivered,  and  that,  in  the  opinion  of  Mr.  Burr 
it  amounted  to  nothing  more  than  the  verbal  reply 
he  had  already  received,  and  that  it  left  the  whole 
business  precisely  where  it  then  was ;  that  Mr.  Burr 
had  explicitly  stated  what  his  grounds  of  complaint 
were  against  Mr.  Hamilton,  for  which  he  had  de- 
manded reparation ;  and  that  he  did  not  choose  to 
make  any  more  minute  explanation  on  the  subject. 
What  Mr.  Burr  peremptorily  demanded  was,  a 
general  disavowal  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Hamilton  of 
any  intention,  at  any  time  or  place,  to  utter  ex- 
pressions derogatory  to  his  honor.  Mr.  Pendleton 
informed  Mr.  Van  Ness  that  he  believed  Mr. 
Hamilton  would  have  no  objection  and  find  no  dif- 
ficulty in  making  such  a  declaration,  and  proposed 
to  wait  on  him  to  ascertain  whether  such  was  the 
fact.  The  interview  was  then  suspended  for  that 
purpose.  Mr.  Pendleton  called  on  Mr.  Hamilton 
in  order  to  ascertain  his  wishes  on  that  point.  The 
latter  at  once  declined  making  any  such  avowal, 
which  would  have  been  both  derogatory  to  his  own 
honor  and  inconsistent  with  the  truth.  Mr.  Pen- 
dleton informed  Mr.  Van  Ness  of  the  result  of  his 
interview  with  Mr.  Hamilton  ;  but  he  further  inti- 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  345 

mated  to  him  that  if  a  letter  was  written  to  Mr. 
Hamilton,  which  would  enahle  him  to  explain  whe- 
ther he  had  charged  Colonel  Burr  with  any  parti- 
cular instance  of  dishonorable  conduct,  or  had  in 
any  way  impeached  his  private  character  in  any 
conversation  alluded  to  by  Dr.  Cooper,  or  in  any 
other  instance  which  might  be  specified,  Mr.  Ha- 
milton would  then  be  able  to  answer  consistently 
with  his  honor  and  the  truth;  that  the  conversation 
held  with  Dr.  Cooper  by  him  alluded  entirely  to 
political  subjects;  that  it  did  not  attribute  to  him 
any  instance  of  dishonorable  conduct,  and  did  not 
refer  to  his  private  character.  Mr.  Hamilton  in- 
structed his  friend  further  to  state,  that  if  Mr.  Burr 
would  specify  any  other  particular  language  or  con 
versation,  in  which  he  charged  that  his  honor  had 
been  assailed,  Mr.  Hamilton  would  at  once  return  a 
frank  avowal  or  denial,  as  the  case  might  be.* 

Every  impartial  person  will  suppose  that  this 
statement  would  have  satisfied  even  the  punctilious 
enmity  of  Colonel  Burr.  The  latter  had  charged 


*  Mr.  Hamilton  instructed  Pendleton  to  say  more  explicitly  that 
the  exact  expressions  of  the  conversation  held  with  Dr.  Cooper,  at 
Albany,  he  could  not  remember,  but  to  the  best  of  his  recollection 
it  consisted  of  comments  on  the  political  principles  and  views  of 
Colonel  Burr,  and  the  results  which  might  be  expected  from  them, 
in  the  event  of  bis  election  as  governor,  -without  reference  to  any 
particular  instance  of  past  conduct,  or  to  his  private  character. 


846  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Mr.  Hamilton  with  insulting  his  honor  in  a  conver- 
sation with  Dr.  Cooper.  ISTo  particular  words  were 
specified ;  the  complaint  was  general,  and  referred 
to  the  conversation  as  a  whole.  In  answer  to  that 
charge  Mr.  Hamilton  replies  in  general,  that  no 
insult  or  injury  to  the  private  character  of  Mr.  Burr 
was  intended  in  the  conversation  alluded  to  by  Dr. 
Cooper — the  very  one  specified  by  Mr.  Burr,  as 
containing  the  objectionable  expressions.  But  Col. 
Burr  was  determined  not  to  be  satisfied  with  any 
fair  and  just  explanation.  He  thirsted  for  the  blood 
of  his  adversary ;  and  nothing  but  such  a  dishonor- 
able avowal  as  he  knew  Mr.  Hamilton  was  the  last  of 
living  men  to  make,  would  propitiate  him.  He  in- 
formed Mr.  Pendleton  therefore,  through  Mr.  Van 
Ness,  that  he  considered  Mr.  Hamilton's  proposition 
as  a  mere  evasion,  which  exhibited  a  desire  to  leave 
the  injurious  impressions  which  had  been  made  by 
his  slanderous  statements  still  in  existence;  and  that 
having  begun  to  vindicate  his  honor  he  should  per- 
sist in  it  till  that  vindication  was  complete.  The 
communication  of  Mr.  'Van  Ness  to  Mr.  Pendleton, 
expressive  of  the  views  of  Mr.  Burr,  was  as  follows : 
1  "SiR:  The  letter  which  you  yesterday  delivered 
to  me,  and  your  subsequent  communication,  in  Co- 
lonel Burr's  opinion,  evince  no  disposition  on  the 
part  of  General  Hamilton  to  come  to  a  satisfactory 


OF   ALEXANDER,   HAMILTON.  347 

accommodation.  The  injury  complained  of  and  the 
reparation  expected  are  so  definitely  expressed  in 
Colonel  Burr's  letter  of  the  21st  instant,  that  there 
is  not  perceived  a  necessity  for  further  explanation 
on  his  part.  The  difficulty  that  would  result  from 
confining  the  inquiry  to  any  particular  times  and 
occasions  must  be  manifest.  The  denial  of  a  speci- 
fied conversation  only  would  leave  strong  implica- 
tion that  on  other  occasions  improper  language  had 
been  used.  When  and  where  injurious  opinions 
and  expressions  had  been  uttered  by  General  Hamil- 
ton must  be  best  known  to  him,  and  of  him  only 
will  Colonel  Burr  inquire.  No  denial  or  declaration 
will  be  satisfactory  unless  it  be  general,  so  as  wholly 
to  exclude  the  idea  that  rumors  derogatory  to 
Colonel  Burr's  honor  has  originated  with  General 
Hamilton,  or  have  been  fairly  inferred  from  any 
thing  he  has  said.  A  definite  reply  to  a  requisition 
of  this  nature  was  demanded  by  Colonel  Burr's 
letter  of  the  21st  instant.  This  being  refused,  in- 
vites the  alternative  alluded  to  in  General  Hamil- 
ton's letter  of  the  20th. 

"It  was  required  by  the  position  in  which  the 
controversy  was  placed  by  General  Hamilton  on 
Friday  (June  22d)  last,  and  I  was  immediately  fur- 
nished with  a  communication  demanding  a  personal 
interview.  The  necessity  of  this  measure  has  not, 


348  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

in  the  opinion  of  Colonel  Burr,  been  diminished  by 
the  general's  last  letter,  or  any  communication 
which  has  since  been  received.  I  am,  consequently, 
again  instructed  to  deliver  you  a  message  as  soon 
as  it  may  be  convenient  for  you  to  receive  it.  I 
beg,  therefore,  you  will  be  so  good  as  to  inform 
me  at  what  hour  I  can  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you.  Your  most  obedient  and  humble  servant, 
&c." 

On  communicating  to  Mr.  Hamilton  the  contents 
of  this  letter,  he  at  once  perceived  the  determina- 
tion of  Colonel  Burr  not  to  be  appeased.  He  saw 
that  his  antagonist  instead  of  facilitating  an  accom- 
modation, had  even  enlarged  and  extended  the 
grounds  of  inquiry ;  and  instead  of  proposing  a  spe- 
cific case  for  explanation  and  adjustment,  had  un- 
warrantably demanded  what  was  in  substance  the 
same  as  an  examination  into  all  his  most  confiden- 
tial correspondence  and  conversations,  during  the 
whole  period  of  his  acquaintance  with  Colonel  Burr. 
He  asserted  that  he  was  willing  to  meet  any  parti- 
cular case,  when  specified,  with  a  full  acknowledg- 
ment or  denial ;  but  he  declared  that  he  could  not  be 
called  upon  to  answer  at  large  every  thing  that  he 
may  have  said  at  any  time  or  place  in  reference  to 
Mr.  Burr.  He  justly  refused  to  be  interrogated 
generally  as  to  all  the  countless  rumors  which  were 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  349 

afloat  derogatory  to  the  character  of  Colonel  Burr, 
many  of  which  were  doubtless  even  unknown  to 
him.  Nevertheless  he  asserts  his  unwillingness  to 
come  to  any  explanation  or  accommodation  of  the 
difficulty,  unless  it  be  a  perfectly  honorable  one. 
He  added  that  he  saw  very  clearly,  in  the  course  of 
conduct  pursued  by  Mr.  Burr,  a  predetermined  hos- 
tility which,  he  did  not  doubt,  would  be  still  ad- 
hered to,  and  which  precluded  the  possibility  of  an 
amicable  arrangement. 

The  positions  thus  assumed  by  Mr.  Hamilton 
were  undeniably  true,  as  will  be  apparent  from  the 
correspondence  itself.  So  plainly  do  they  approve 
themselves  to  every  impartial  mind,  so  clearly  do  they 
involve  Burr  in  an  evident  determination  to  shed 
blood,  that  he  thought  it  necessary  to  accompany 
the  challenge  which  ensued  with  the  following  ex- 
planatory letter  from  his  principal,  in  order  to  give 
some  show  of  decency  to  his  pertinacious  and  un- 
yielding vengeance. 

"  SIR  :  The  letter  which  I  had  the  honor  to  re- 
ceive from  you,  under  date  of  yesterday,  states, 
among  other  things,  that,  in  General  Hamilton's 
opinion,  Colonel  Burr  has  taken  a  very  indefinite 
ground,  in  which  he  evinces  nothing  short  of  pre- 
determined hostility,  and  General  Hamilton  thinks 
it  inadmissible  that  the  inquiry  should  extend  to 
30 


350  THE   LIFE   AND   TOIES 

Ins  confidential  as  well  as  other  conversations.  To 
this  Colonel  Burr  can  only  reply,  that  secret  whispers 
traducing  his  fame  and  impeaching  his  honor  are  at 
least  equally  injurious  with  slanders  publicly  ut- 
tered ;  that  General  Hamilton  had  at  no  time  and 
in  no  place,  a  right  to  use  any  such  injurious  expres- 
sion ;  and  that  the  partial  negative  he  is  disposed  to 
give,  with  the  reservations  he  wishes  .to  make,  are 
proofs  that  he  has  done  the  injury  specified. 

"  Colonel  Burr's  request  was,  in  the  first  instance, 
proposed  in  a  form  the  most  simple,  in  order  that 
General  Hamilton  might  give  to  the  affair  that 
course  to  which  he  might  be  induced  by  his  temper 
and  his  knowledge  of  facts.  Colonel  Burr  trusted 
with  confidence  that  from  the  frankness  of  a  soldier 
and  the  candor  of  a  gentleman,  he  might  expect  an, 
ingenuous  declaration.  That  if,  as  he  had  reason  to 
believe,  General  Hamilton  had  used  expressions 
derogatory  to  his  honor,  he  would  have  had  the 
magnanimity  to  retract  them ;  and  that  if,  from  his 
language,  injurious  inferences  had  been  improperly 
drawn,  he  would  have  perceived  the  propriety  of 
correcting  errors  which  might  thus  have  been  widely 
diffused.  With  these  impressions  Colonel  Burr  was 
greatly  surprised  at  receiving  a  letter  which  he  con- 
sidered as  evasive,  and  which,  in  manner,  he  deemed 
not  altogether  decorous.  In  one  expectation,  how- 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  351 

ever,  he  was  not  wholly  deceived ;  for  the  close  of 
General  Hamilton's  letter  contained  an  intimation 
that,  if  Colonel  Burr  should  dislike  his  refusal  to 
acknowledge  or  deny,  he  was  ready  to  meet  the 
consequences.  This  Colonel  Burr  deemed  a  sort  of 
defiance,  and  would  have  felt  justified  in  making 
it  the  basis  of  an  immediate  message :  but,  as  the 
communication  contained  something  concerning  the 
indefiniteness  of  the  request;  as  he  believed  it 
rather  the  offspring  of  false  pride  than  of  reflection; 
and  as  he  felt  the  utmost  reluctance  to  proceed  to 
extremities  while  any  other  hope  remained,  his  re- 
quest was  repeated  in  terms  more  explicit.  The 
replies  and  propositions  on  the  part  of  General 
Hamilton  have,  in  Colonel's  Burr's  opinion,  been 
constantly,  in  substance,  the  same. 

"  Colonel  Burr  disavows  all  motives  of  predeter- 
mined Hostility,  a  charge  by  which  he  thinks  insult 
added  to  injury.  He  feels  as  a  gentleman  should 
when  his  honor  is  impeached  or  assailed;  and, 
without  sensations  of  hostility  or  wishes  of  revenge, 
lie  is  determined  to  vindicate  that  honor  at  such 
hazard  as  the  nature  of  the  case  demands. 

"The  length  to  which  this  correspondence  has 
extended  only  tending  to  prove  that  the  satisfac- 
tory redress,  earnestly  desired,  cannot  be  attained, 
he  deems  it  useless  to  offer  any  proposition  except 


852  TTTE   LIFE    AND   TIMES 

the  single  message  which  I  shall  now  have  the 
honor  to  deliver.  With  great  respect,  jour  obedient 
servant,  &c." 

Upon  the  receipt  of  the  preceding  letter  and  the 
challenge,  Mr.  Pendleton  informed  Mr.  Van  Xess 
that  Mr.  Hamilton  desired  the  postponement  of  tho 
interview  until  after  the  close  of  the  circuit  of  the 
Supreme  Court  then  in  session  at  Kew  York.  He 
stated  that  he  had  some  important  causes  then 
about  to  be  tried,  and  that  if  he  should  withdraw 
his  services  from  his  clients  at  that  moment  it  would 
involve  them  in  great  trouble  and  inconvenience. 
This  request  was  complied  with,  and  the  meeting 
postponed  until  Mr.  Pendleton  should  inform  Mr. 

Van  Xess  that  Mr.  Hamilton  was  at  leisure  to  meet 

i 

Mr.  Burr.  At  this  interview  Mr.  Pendleton  offered 
to  Mr.  Van  Xess  the  following  statement  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  in  reference  to  the  existing  difficulties ; 
but  that  gentleman  refused  to  receive  it,  alleging, 
that  by  the  acceptance  of  the  challenge,  all  further 
communication  of  any  kind  was  precluded  : 

"Whether  the  observations  on  this  letter  are 
designed  merely  to  justify  the  result  which  is  in- 
dicated in  the  close  of  the  letter,  or  may  be  intended 
to  give  an  opening  for  rendering  any  thing  explicit 
which  may  have  been  deemed  vague  heretofore, 
can  only  be  judged  of  by  the  sequel.  At  any  rate, 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON".  353 

it  appears  to  me  necessary  not  to  be  misunder- 
stood. Mr.  Pendleton  is  therefore  authorized  to 
say,  that  in  the  course  of  the  present  discussion, 
written  or  verbal,  there  has  been  no  intention  to 
evade,  defy,  or  insult,  but  a  sincere  disposition  to 
avoid  extremities,  if  it  could  be  done  with  pro- 
priety. With  this  view  General  Hamilton  has  been 
ready  to  enter  into  a  frank  and  free  explanation 
on  any  and  every  object  of  a  specific  nature ;  but 
not  to  answer  a  general  and  abstract  inquiry,  em- 
bracing a  period  too  long  for  any  accurate  recol- 
lection, and  exposing  him  to  unpleasant  criticisms 
from,  or  unpleasant  discussions  with,  any  and  every 
person  who  may  have  understood  him  in  an  un- 
favorable sense.  This  (admitting  that  he  could 
answer  in  a  manner  the  most  satisfactory  to  Colonel 
Burr)  he  should  deem  inadmissible  in  principle  and 
precedent,  and  humiliating  in  practice.  To  this, 
therefore,  he  can  never  submit.  Frequent  allusion 
has  been  made  to  slanders  said  to  be  in  circulation. 
Whether  they  are  openly  or  in  whispers,  they  have 
a  form  and  shape,  and  might  be  specified. 

"  If  the  alternative  alluded  to  in  the  close  o^ 
the  letter  is  defii  i  lively  tendered,  it  must  be  ac- 
cepted ;  the  time,  place,  and  manner  to  be  after- 
ward regulated.  I  should  not  think  it  right,  in  the 
midst  of  a  circuit  court,  to  withdraw  my  services 
30* 


854  THE   LIFE  AND  TIMES 

from  those  who  may  have  confided  important  inte 
rests  to  me,  and  expose  them  to  the  embarrassment 
of  seeking  other  counsel,  who  may  not  have  time 
to  be  sufficiently  instructed  in  their  causes.  I  shall 
also  want  a  little  time  to  make  some  arrangements 
respecting  my  own  affairs." 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  355 


CHAPTER    XVII. 


HAMILTON  PREPARES  FOR  THE  MEETING — HIS  WILL — HIS  WRITTEN  TESTI- 
MONY AGAINST  DUELLING — TIME  AND  PLACE  FOR  THE  INTERVIEW  AP- 
POINTED— MEETING  OF  THE  PARTIES — RULES  TO  GOVERN  THEIR  CONDUCT 
— HAMILTON  FALLS. 


THUS  was  the  illustrious  victim  dragged  to  the 
altar  of  sacrifice !  The  implacable  hate  of  Burr 
demanded  the  life-blood  of  this  great  statesman 
and  patriot,  who  had  so  long  and  so  often  foiled 
his  unprincipled  schemes  of  ambition  and  aggran- 
dizement, and  in  so  doing  had  so  well  served  his 
country.  Yet  we  cannot  but  pause  here  a  moment, 
and  reflect  upon  the  excessive  scrupulousness  of  that 
delicate  sense  of  honor  which  prevented  Hamilton 
from  saying  to  his  foe,  that  he  had  satisfactorily 
explained  the  specific  charge  in  reference  to  the 
conversation  held  with  Dr.  Cooper;  that  he  had  dis- 
avowed any  strictures  upon  his  private  character; 
that  all  men  had  a  right  to  express  their  opinion  u.s 
to  the  tendency  of  the  political  opinions  and  mea- 
sures of  a  public  man,  and  especially  of  a  candidate 
for  a  high  and  important  public  office ;  and  that  for 
BO  doing  no  demand  of  justice  or  reason,  nor  even 


856  THE    LIFE    AND   TIMES 

the  principles  of  the  code  of  honor — more  properly 
termed  the  code  of  infamy,  and  stamped  as  such  by 
the  laws  of  many  civilized  States — could  require 
him  to  offer  his  life  in  atonement* 

"With  what  feelings  of  regret  must  not  snch  a 
man  as  Hamilton  have  prepared  himself  for  that 
final  meeting  ?  He  knew  that  Colonel  Burr  was 
an  adept  in  the  use  of  deadly  weapons ;  and  that 
in  all  probability,  he  should  fall.  In  that  event  he 
had  much  to  lose.  The  heart  of  an  affectionate 
wife  would  be  rent  with  agony;  his  young  chil- 
dren would  be  rendered  fatherless;  his  country 
would  be  deprived  of  his  future  useful  ness;  and  one 
of  the  most  brilliant  and  successful  careers  ever 
run  by  a  patriotic  and  honorable  aspirant  would 
end  prematurely  in  darkness  and  gloom. 

Nor  can  we  fail  to  admire  the  self-possession,  the 
constancy,  and  the  firmness  of  mind  with  which  this 
remarkable  man  conducted  the  important  and  re- 
sponsible professional  affairs  which  demanded  his 
attention  in  the  interval  between  the  acceptance  of 
the  challenge  and  the  hour  of  meeting.  No  per- 
turbation or  anxiety  was  apparent  to  the  most 
scrutinizing  observer  of  that  intelligent  and  expres- 
sive countenance.  If  sorrowful  thoughts  of  those 
whom  he  would  leave  behind  him  ever  forced 
themselves  on  his  attention,  they  were  vailed  from 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  357 

the  view  of  others;  and  never,  in  the  whole  course 
of  his  professional  life  had  General  Hamilton  been 
more  eloquent,  more  learned,  more  sagacious,  or 
more  triumphant  in  the  trial  of  his  causes  than 
during  the  three  last  weeks  of  his  labors  at  the  bar. 

As  the  circuit  drew  toward  its  close  he  began  to 
prepare  his  affairs  for  the  contemplated  meeting. 
His  first  act  was  to  execute  his  will.  It  was  as  fol- 
lows : 

"In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  I,  Alexander 
Hamilton,  of  the  city  of  New  York,  counselor-at- 
law,  do  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  as 
follows :  First.  I  appoint  John  B.  Church,  Nicholas 
Fish,  and  Nathaniel  Pendleton,  of  the  city  aforesaid, 
Esquires,  to  be  executors  and  trustees  of  this  my 
last  will,  and  I  devise  to  them,  their  heirs  and  as- 
signs as  joint  tenants  and  not  as  tenants  in  com- 
mon, all  my  estate  real  and  personal  whatsoever, 
and  wheresoever,  upon  trust  at  their  discretion,  to 
sell  and  dispose  of  the  same  at  such  time  and  times, 
in  such  manner,  and  upon  such  terms  as  they  the 
survivors  and  survivor  shall  think  fit,  and  out  of 
the  proceeds  to  pay  all  the  debts  which  I  shall  owe 
at  the  time  of  my  decease  ;  in  whole,  if  the  fund  be 
sufficient;  proportionably,  if  it  shall  be  insufficient; 
and  the  residue,  if  any  there  shall  be,  to  pay  and 


358  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

to  deliver  to  my  excellent  and  dear  wife  Elizabeth 
Hamilton. 

"Though  if  it  should  please  God  to  spare  my 
life,  I  may  look  for  a  considerable  surplus  out  of 
my  present  property  ;  yet,  if  he  should  speedily  call 
me  to  the  eternal  world,  a  forced  sale,  as  is  usual, 
may  possibly  render  it  insufficient  to  satisfy  my 
debts.  I  pray  God  that  something  may  remain  for 
the  maintenance  and  education  of  my  dear  wife 
and  children.  But  should  it,  on  the  contrary  hap- 
pen, that  there  is  not  enough  for  the  payment  of 
my  debts,  I  entreat  my  dear  children,  if  they  or 
any  of  them  should  ever  be  able,  to  make  up  the 
deficiency.  I  without  hesitation  commit  to  their 
delicacy  a  wish  that  is  dictated  by  my  own.  Though 
conscious  that  I  have  too  far  sacrificed  the  interests 
of  my  family  to  public  avocations,  and  on  this 
account  have  the  less  claim  to  burden  my  children, 
yet  I  trust  in  their  magnanimity  to  appreciate,  as 
they  ought,  this  my  request.  In  so  unfavorable  an 
event  of  things,  the  support  of  their  dear  mother, 
with  the  most  respectful  and  tender  attention,  is  a 
duty,  all  the  sacredness  of  which  they  will  feel. 
Probably  her  own  patrimonial  resources  will  pre- 
serve her  from  indigence.  But  in  all  situations 
they  are  charged  to  bear  in  mind  that  she  has  been 
to  them  the  most  devoted  and  best  of  mothers. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  359 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto  subscribed 
my  hand,  the  9th  day  of  July,  1804." 

Having  performed  this  last  duty  to  his  family, 
General  Hamilton  next  acquitted  himself  of  that 
which  he  owed  to  his  country  and  to  the' world,  by 
placing  on  record  his  protest  against  the  prevalence 
and  power  of  the  barbarous  code  to  which  he  him- 
self was  about  to  fall  a  victim.  Among  the  papers 
which  he  left  behind  him  was  the  following  :* 

"  On  my  expected  interview  with  Colonel  Burr, 
I  think  it  proper  to  make  some  remarks  explana- 
tory of  my  conduct,  motives,  and  views.  I  was 
certainly  desirous  of  avoiding  this  interview  for  the 
most  cogent  reasons. 

"1.  My  religious  and  moral  principles  are  strong- 
ly opposed  to  the  practice  of  duelling,  and  it  would 
ever  give  me  pain  to  be  obliged  to  shed  the  blood 
of  a  fellow-creature  in  a  private  combat  forbidden 
by  the  laws. 

"  2.  My  wife  and  children  are  extremely  dear  to 
me,  and  my  life  is  of  the  utmost  importance  to 
them  in  various  views. 

*  Mr.  Hamilton  also  wrote  a  letter  for  Mrs.  Hamilton,  to  be  de- 
livered in  case  he  fell.  In  it  he  assured  her  that  he  had  taken  all 
possible  means  to  avoid  the  duel,  except  in  acting  in  such  a  manner 
as  would  forfeit  her  esteem  ;  that  he  had  determined  not  to  fire  at 
Burr,  and  that  he  expected  to  fall.  He  asked  her  forgiveness  for 
inflicting  so  much  pain,  and  commended  her  and  her  children  to 
God. 


360  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

"  3.  I  feel  a  sense  of  obligation  toward  my  cre- 
ditors; who,  in  case  of  accident  to  me,  by  the 
forced  sale  of  my  property,  may  be  in  some  degree 
sufferers.  I  did  not  think  myself  at  liberty,  as  a 
man  of  probity,  likely  to  expose  them  to  this 
hazard. 

"4.  I  am  conscious  of  no  ill-will  to  Colonel  Burr 
distinct  from  political  opposition,  which,  as  I  trust, 
has  proceeded  from  pure  and  upright  motives. 

"Lastly,  I  shall  hazard  much,  and  can  possibly 
gain  nothing  by  the  issue  of  the  interview. 

"  But  it  was,  as  I  conceive,  impossible  for  me  to 
avoid  it.  There  were  intrinsic  difficulties  in  the 
thing,  and  artificial  embarrassments  from  the  man- 
ner of  proceeding  on  the  part  of  Colonel  Burr. 

"  Intrinsic,  because  it  is  not  to  be  denied  that  my 
animadversions  on  the  political  principles,  charac- 
ter, and  views  of  Colonel  Burr  have  been  extremely 
severe  ;  and,  on  different  occasions,  I,  in  common 
with  many  others,  have  made  very  unfavorable  cri- 
ticisms on  pajticular  instances  of  the  private  con- 
duct of  this  gentleman. 

"  In  proportion  as  these  impressions  were  enter- 
tained with  sincerity,  and  uttered  with  motives  and 
for  purposes  which  might  appear  to  me  commend- 
able, would  be  the  difficulty  (until  they  could  be 
removed  by  evidence  of  their  being  erroneous)  of 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  361 

explanation  or  apology.  The  disavoioal  required  of 
me  by  Colonel  Burr,  in  a  general  and  definite  form, 
was  out  of  my  power,  if  it  had  really  been  proper  for 
me  to  submit  to  be  so  questioned  ;  but  I  was  sin- 
cerely of  the  opinion  that  this  could  not  be ;  and 
in  this  opinion  I  was  confirmed  by  that  of  a  very 
moderate  and  judicious  friend  whom  I  consulted. 
Besides  that,  Colonel  Burr  appeared  to  me  to  as- 
sume, in  the  first  instance,  a  tone  unnecessarily  pe- 
remptory and  menacing;  and,  in  the  second,  posi- 
tively offensive.  Yet  I  wished,  as  far  as  might  be 
practicable,  to  leave  a  door  open  for  accommoda- 
tion. This,  I  think,  will  be  inferred  from  the  writ- 
ten communications  made  by  me  and  by  my  direc- 
tion, and  would  be  confirmed  by  the  conversations 
between  Mr.  Van  Ness  and  myself,  which  arose  out 
of  the  subject. 

"  I  am  not  sure  whether,  under  all  the  circum- 
stances, I  did  not  go  further  in  the  attempt  to  ac- 
commodate than  a  punctilious  delicacy  will  justify. 
If  so,  I  hope  the  motives  I  have  stated  will  excuse 
me. 

"  It  is  not  my  design,  by  what  I  have  said,  to  affix 
any  odium  on  the  character  of  Colonel  Burr  in  this 
case.  He  doubtless  lias  heard  of  animadversions  of 
mine  which  bore  very  hard  upon  him;  and  it  is  pro- 
bable that,  as  usual,  they  were  accompanied  with 
31 


362  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

some  falsehoods.  He  may  have  supposed  himself 
under  a  necessity  of  acting  as  he  has  done.  I  hope 
the  grounds  of  his  proceeding  have  been  such  as' 
ought  to  satisfy  his  own  conscience. 

"  I  trust,  at  the  same  time,  that  the  world  will  do 
me  the  justice  to  believe  that  I  have  not  censured 
him  on  light  grounds  nor  from  unworthy  induce- 
ments. I  certainly  have  had  strong  reasons  for  what 
I  have  said,  though  it  is  possible  that  in  some  particu- 
lars I  have  been  influenced  by  misconstruction  or  mis- 
information. It  is  also  my  ardent  wish  that  I  may 
have  been  more  mistaken  than  I  think  I  have  been ; 
and  that  he,  by  his  future  conduct,  may  show  him- 
self worthy  of  all  confidence  and  esteem,  and  prove 
an  ornament  and  blessing  to  the  country. 

"  As  well,  because  it  is  possible  that  I  may  have 
injured  Colonel  Burr,  however  convinced  myself 
that  my  opinions  and  declarations  have  been  well 
founded,  as  from  my  general  principles  and  temper 
in  relation  to  similar  affairs,  I  have  resolved,  if  our 
interview  is  conducted  in  the  usual  manner,  and  it 
pleases  God  to  "give  me  the  opportunity,  to  reserve 
and  throw  away  my  first  fire ;  and  I  have  thoughts 
even  of  reserving  my  second,  and  thus  giving  a 
double  opportunity  to  Colonel  Burr  to  pause  and 
repent. 

"It  is  not  my  intention,  however,  to  enter  into 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  363 

any  explanation  on  the  ground.  Apology,  from 
principle  I  hope  rather  than  pride,  is  out  of  the 
question. 

"  To  those  who,  with  me,  abhorring  the  practice 
of  duelling,  may  think  that  I  ought  on  no  account 
to  have  added  to  the  number  of  bad  examples,  I  an- 
swer, that  my  relative  situation,  as  well  in  public  as 
in  private,  enforcing  all  the  considerations  which 
constitute  what  men  of  the  world  denominate  honor, 
imposed  on  me,  as  I  thought,  a  peculiar  necessity 
not  to  decline  the  call.  The  ability  to  be  in  future 
useful,  whether  in  resisting  mischief  or  effecting 
good  in  those  crises  of  our  public  affairs  which 
seem  likely  to  happen,  would  probably  be  insepara- 
ble from  a  conformity  with  public  prejudice  in  this 
particular." 

On  Friday,  July  6th,  the  circuit  having  termi- 
nated, Mr.  Pendleton  informed  Mr.  Yan  Ness  that 
Mr.  Hamilton  would  be  prepared  to  meet  Mr.  Burr 
at  any  time  after  the  succeeding  Sunday.  On  the 
following  Monday  the  particulars  of  the  duel  were 
arranged.  On  "Wednesday  the  llth  of  July,  1804, 
the  parties  met  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning  at 
"Weahawken,  three  miles  above  Iloboken,  on  the 
Jersey  shore,  opposite  to  New  York. 

Eager  for  the  conflict  and  the  slaughter,  Colonel 
Burr  arrived  first  upon  the  ground.  "When  his  an- 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

tagonist  appeared  they  formally  exchanged  saluta- 
tions. The  seconds  then  proceeded  to  make  the 
necessary  Arrangements.  They  measured  the  dis- 
tance, which  was  ten  paces.  They  cast  lots  for  the 
choice  of  position  and  for  the  right  to  give  the  word 
to  fire.  Both  of  these  fell  to  the  second  of  General 
Hamilton.  The  pistols  were  then  loaded  in  each 
other's  presence.  The  parties  then  took  their  re- 
spective stations.  Mr.  Pendleton  explained  the 
rules  which  were  to  govern  the  combatants  in 
firing.  These  were  as  follows:  The  parties  being 
placed  at  their  positions,  the  second  who  gives  the 
word  shall  ask  them  whether  they  are  ready.  Being 
answered  affirmatively,  he  shall  say :  Present!  After 
this  order,  the  parties  shall  present  and  fire  when 
they  please.  If  one  fires  before  the  other,  the  oppo- 
site second  shall  say,  one,  two,  three,  fire;  and  he 
shall  then  fire  or  lose  his  shot.  Mr.  Pendleton  hav- 
ing inquired  whether  the  parties  were  ready,  and 
"being  answered  affirmatively,  gave  the  word  present. 
Mr.  Burr  fired  instantly.  Mr.  Pendleton  always  main- 
tained that  Mr.  Hamilton  did  not  fire  first,  and  that 
he  did  not  fire  at  all,  at  his  opponent.  Mr.  Van 
Ness  always  insisted  that  Mr.  Hamilton  did  fire 
first,  and  at  his  antagonist.  The  declaration  of  Mr. 
Hamilton  himself,  as  contained  in  the  document 
which  he  prepared  before  the  conflict,  would  clearly 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON. 

indicate  that  it  was  not  his  intention  to  fire  at  Mr. 
Burr;  and  a  declaration  of  purpose  from  a  man  of 
such  unimpeachable  veracity  and  integrity  as  Mr. 
Hamilton  is  as  conclusive  as  any  extrinsic  and  com- 
petent testimony.  "What  ever  the  real  fact  may  have 
been,  Mr.  Burr  was  uninjured ;  and  Mr.  Hamilton 
instantly  fell.  It  is  said  that  at  the  first  moment, 
Burr  seeing  Hamilton  fall  advanced  toward  him  a 
few  steps  rapidly,  with  a  manner  and  gesture  which 
seemed  indicative  of  regret.  But  this  incident,  if  it 
actually  occurred,  was  doubtless  a  hypocritical  part 
of  the  drama  which,  on  this  remarkable  occasion,  he 
had  determined  to  play.  No  further  communication 
took  place  between  the  principals,  and  Colonel  Burr 
without  speaking  a  word  turned  away  and  left  the 
field.  He  returned  immediately  to  New  York,  in 
the  barge  which  had  conveyed  him  to  the  scene  of 
conflict.  And  thus, 

"A  falcon  towering  in  his  pride  of  place, 
Was  by  a  mousing  owl  hawk'd  at  and  kill'd." 

31* 


366  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 


CHAPTER  XYHI. 


THE  NATURE  OP  HAMILTON'S  WOUND — HE  IS  REMOVED  TO  THE  HOUSE  Of 
MR.  BAYARD — HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH  DR.  MASON — HIS  INTERVIEW  WITH 
BISHOP  MOORE — HE  RECEIVES  THE  LORD'S  SUPPER — HIS  RELIGIOUS 
OPINIONS — HIS  LAST  INTERVIEW  WITH  HIS  FAMILY — HIS  DEATH — HIS 
FUNERAL — ORATION  OP  GOUVERNEUR  MORRIS — UNIVERSAL  SORROW  AT 
HIS  DEATH — REMARKS  OP  BURR  ON  HAMILTON'S  DEATH. 


THE  instant  General  Hamilton  was  struck,  he 
raised  himself  involuntarily  on  his  toes,  turned  a 
little  to  the  left, — at  which  moment  Mr.  Pendleton 
maintained  his  pistol  went  off, — and  fell  heavily  on 
his  face.  The  ball  had  struck  the  second  or  third 
false  rib,  and  fractured  it  about  the  middle.  It  then 
passed  through  the  liver  and  the  diaphragm,  and  as 
far  as  was  subsequently  ascertained,  lodged  in  tbe 
first  or  second  lumbar  vertebra.  The  vertebra  in 
which  it  was  ^lodged,  was  considerably  splintered, 
so  that  the  spiculce  were  perceptible  to  the  touch  of 
the  finger.  The  moment  Hamilton  fell  his  attend- 
ant surgeon,  Dr.  Hosack,  ran  to  his  assistance.  He 
found  him  supported  in  the  arms  of  Mr.  Pendletou. 
Perceiving  the  physician,  Hamilton  said  feebly: 
"•  This  is  a  mortal  wound,  doctor."  He  then  sank 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  3G7 

away  and  appeared  to  be  lifeless.  His  pulses  were 
not  perceptible;  his  respiration  was  entirely  sus- 
pended; and  the  motion  of  his  heart  had  ceased. 
He  was  then  supposed  to  be  already  dead. 

As  soon  as  Hamilton  was  conveyed  to  the  barge, 
and  felt  the  cool  breezes  from  the  river,  he  began 

'  O 

to  revive.  Some  imperfect  efforts  to  breathe  were 
for  the  first  time  perceptible.  In  a  few  minutes 
he  heaved  a  labored  sigh,  and  became  sensible  to 
the  effects  of  hartshorne.  His  eyes  opened  slightly, 
and  wandered  to  and  fro.  At  length  he  said:  "  My 
vision  is  indistinct."  His  pulse  then  became  per- 
ceptible, his  respiration  was  more  regular,  and  his 
sight  returned.  In  a  few  minutes  turning  to  the 
case  of  pistols  which  was  lying  in  the  boat,  he  said : 
"  Pendleton  knows  that  I  did  not  intend  to  fire  at 
him."  Mr.  Pendleton  had  already  informed  Dr. 
Hosack  to  that  effect.  By  this  time  his  lower  ex- 
tremities had  lost  all  feeling,  and  Hamilton  plainly 
expressed  the  opinion  that  he  entertained  no  hopes 
that  he  should  long  survive.  The  posture  of  his 
limbs  was  changed,  but  to  no  purpose.  On  ap- 
proaching the  shore  he  said  :  "  Let  Mrs.  Hamilton 
be  immediately  sent  for — let  the  event  be  gradu- 
ally broken  to  her;  but  give  her  hopes."  On 
arriving  at  the  shore  a  cot  was  instantly  prepared, 
upon  which  he  was  conveyed  from  the  wharf  to  Mr. 


THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

Bayard's  residence.  Along  the  route  large  crowds 
of  weeping  and  lamenting  citizens  assembled 
around  the  dying  statesman ;  he  alone  appeared 
tranquil  and  composed.  Even  when  be  saw  the 
anguish  of  his  family,  his  equanimity  was  not  dis- 
turbed. 

Having  reached  the  residence  of  his  friend  he 
became  more  languid.  Mixed  wine  and  water  were 
given  him,  which  restored  him  somewhat.  He  then 
complained  of  a  pain  in  his  back.  Large  doses  of 
laudanum  were  subsequently  administered ;  yet  the 
agony  which  he  endured  during  the  whole  of  that 
day  was  most  intense.  From  the  first  his  physi- 
cians entertained  no  hopes  of  his  recovery.  The 
surgeons  who  were  on  board  the  French  frigates, 
then  riding  in  the  harbor,  were  invited  to  render 
their  assistance.  After  receiving  a  full  description 
of  the  wound,  and  examining  the  person  of  the  pa- 
tient, they  decided  that  the  case  was  hopeless. 

During  this  day,  General  Hamilton,  perceiving 
that  his  last  hour  was  approaching,  desired  to  re- 
ceive the  succors  of  religion.  He  sent  for  his 
friend,  the  celebrated  Dr.  John  M.  Mason,  a  Pres- 
byterian clergyman,  who  immediately  answered  the 
call  and  hurried  to  Hamilton's  bedside.  As  soon 
as  Dr.  Mason  entered  Mr.  Hamilton  said,  that  he 
desired  to  have  the  sacrament  administered  to  him. 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTOX.  GG9 

Dr.  Mason  replied,  that  it  gave  him  unutterable 
pain  to  receive  from  him  any  request  with  which  ho 
could  not  possibly  comply ;  that  the  discipline  and 
doctrines  of  his  church  forbade  him  to  administer 
the  Lord's  Supper  privately  to  any  person  under 
any  circumstances.  But  he  informed  Mr.  Hamilton 
that  the  sacrament  was  "  an  exhibition  and  pledge 
of  the  mercies  which  the  Son  of  God  had  pur- 
chased ;  that  the  absence  of  the  sign  does  not  ex- 
clude from  the  mercies  signified,  which  were  acces- 
sible to  him  by  faith  in  their  gracious  author." 
Hamilton  answered :  "I  am  aware  of  that ;  it  is  only 
as  a  sign  that  I  wanted  it."  Dr.  Mason  continued 
that  he  "had  nothing  to  address  to  him  in  his  af- 
fliction but  that  same  Gospel  of  the  grace  of  God, 
which  it  was  his  office  to  preach  to  the  most  ob- 
scure and  illiterate ;  that  in  the  sight  of  God  all 
men  were  on  a  level,  as  all  have  sinned  and  corne 
short  of  his  glory;  and  that  they  must  apply  to  him 
for  pardon  and  life,  as  sinners  whose  only  refuge  is 
in  his  grace,  reigning  by  righteousness  through  the 
Lord  Jesus  Christ."  Hamilton  replied:  "I  per- 
ceive it  to  be  so;  I  am  a  sinner;  I  look  to  his 
mercy."  Dr.  Mason  then  adverted  to  "the  infinite 
merit  of  the  Redeemer  as  the  propitiation  for  sin, 
the  sole  ground  of  our  acceptance  with  God,  the 
sole  channel  of  his  favor  to  us;"  and  cited  the  fol- 


S70  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

lowing  passages  of  Scripture:  "There  is  no  other 
name  given  under  heaven  among  men,  whereby  we 
must  be  saved  but  the  name  of  Jesus.  He  is  able 
to  save  to  the  uttermost  them  who  come  unto  God 
by  him,  seeing  he  ever  liveth  to  make  intercession 
for  them.  The  blood  of  Jesus  Christ  cleanseth 
from  all  sin." 

The  subject  of  the  duel  was  then  introduced,  and 
Dr.  Mason  said  to  him,  that  it  was  not  necessary 
that  he  should  be  reminded  of  the  moral  aspects 
of  that  matter;  that  the  blood  of  Christ  was  as 
effectual  to  wash  away  the  guilt  of  that  trangres- 
sion  as  any  other;  and  that  there  alone  he  must 
seek  for  deliverance  from  guilt,  for  peace  of  con- 
science, and  for  hope  of  future  salvation.  Mr.  Ha- 
milton assented  with  strong  emotion  to  these  state- 
ments, and  expressed  his  utter  abhorrence  of  the 
whole  transaction.  He  said:  "  It  was  always  against 
my  principles.  I  used  every  expedient  to  avoid  the 
interview ;  but  I  have  found,  for  some  time  past, 
that  my  life  must  be  exposed  to  that  man.  I  went 
to  the  field  determined  not  to  take  his  life."  He 
expressed  the  anguish  of  his  mind  in  recollecting 
what  had  passed,  and  his  hope  of  forgiveness  with 
his  God. 

Dr.  Mason  then  recurred  "  to  the  topic  of  the 
divine  compassion  ;  the  freedom  of  pardon  in  Christ 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  371 

to  perishing  sinners."  Said  he:  "That  grace,  my 
dear  General,  which  brings  salvation  is  rich."  Ha- 
milton replied:  "It  is  rich  grace."  "On  that 
o-race,"  continued  Dr.  Mason,  "a  sinner  has  the 
highest  encouragement  to  repose  his  confidence, 
because  it  is  tendered  to  him  upon  the  surest  foun- 
dation, the  Scripture  testifying  that  we  have  re- 
demption through  the  blood  of  Christ,  and  the  for 
giveness  of  sius  according  to  the  richness  of  his 
grace."  At  that  expression  General  Hamilton  re- 
leased the  hand  of  the  clergyman  which  till  then 
he  had  held,  and  clasping  his  own  together,  looking 
toward  heaven  said :  "  I  have  a  tender  reliance  on 
the  mercy  of  the  Almighty,  through  the  merits  of 
the  Lord  Jesus  Christ."  He  then  closed  his  eyes, 
seemingly  engaged  in  prayer.  As  soon  as  he 
opened  them  again  Dr.  Mason  continued :  "  The 
simple  truths  of  the  Gospel,  which  require  no  ab- 
struse investigation,  but  faith  in  the  veracity  of 
God  who  cannot  lie,  are  best  suited  to  your  present 
condition,  and  they  are  full  of  consolation."  "I 
feel  them  to  be  so,"  said  he.  He  then  requested 
Dr.  Mason  to  pray  for  him ;  and  while  the  clergy- 
man knelt  in  prayer  the  voice  of  the  dying  man 
was  distinctly  heard  accompanying  him.  When  he 
concluded,  Hamilton  said:  "Amen,  God  grant  it!" 
As  Dr.  Mason  was  taking  his  leave  he  remarked 


372  THE    LIFE   AND   TIMES 

to  Mr.  Hamilton  that  there  was  one  request  which  he 
had  to  make  of  him,  and  being  asked  what  it  was, 
replied  that  whatever  might  be  the  issue  of  his 
affliction,  he  would  give  his  testimony  against  the 
practice  of  duelling.  Said  he  in  reply:  "I  will ;  I 
have  done  it.  If  that  be  the  issue,"  (meaning  his 
death)  "you  will  find  it  in  writing.  If  it  please 
God  that  I  recover,  I  shall  do  it  in  a  manner  which 
will  effectually  put  me  out  of  its  reach  in  future." 
When  Dr.  Mason  recurred  to  the  importance  of 
renouncing  every  other  trust  for  the  eternal  world, 
except  the  mercy  of  God  in  Christ,  with  a  particu- 
lar reference  to  the  duel,  Mr.  Hamilton  was  much 
affected,  and  said :  "  Let  us  not  pursue  that  subject 
any  further;  it  agitates  me."  The  clergyman  then 
took  his  leave ;  and  as  he  left  the  apartment  he  heard 
the  dying  statesman  exclaim:  "God  be  merciful  to 
me  a  sinner !"  Dr.  Mason  called  again  the  next  morn- 
ing, but  Mr.  Hamilton  was  then  beyond  the  power 
of  conversation.  He  was  surrounded  by  his  weep- 
ing family  and  friends.  He  still  retained  the  same 
composure  and  serenity;  and  his  great  intellect 
was  unclouded  to  the  last. 

It  was  still  however  the  wish  of  Mr.  Hamilton, 
dictated  by  his  own  religious  convictions,  to  receive 
the  communion  of  the  Lord's  Supper.  Accord- 
ingly after  the  departure  of  Dr.  Mason,  he  sent  for 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAiMILTON.  373 

Bishop  Moore,  of  the  Episcopal  church,  accompa- 
nied with  the  request  that  he  would  perform  that 
office.  On  the  first  interview  the  mind  of  the 
bishop  was  not  clear  upon  the  propriety  of  doing  so 
to  one  who  had  been  a  party  to  a  duel,  and  who 
was  not  a  communicant  of  the  church.  Upon  fur- 
ther deliberation,  however,  he  returned  to  the 
chamber  of  Mr.  Hamilton  to  converse  with  him  in 
reference  to  his  religious  views.  When  he  entered, 
Mr.  Hamilton  said :  "  My  dear  sir,  you  perceive  my 
unfortunate  situation,  and  no  doubt  have  been 
made  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  which  led 
to  it.  It  is  my  desire  to  receive  the  Communion 
at  your  hands.  I  hope  you  will  not  conceive  that 
there  is  any  impropriety  in  my  request.  It  has 
been  for  some  time  past  the  wish  of  my  heart,  and 
it  was  my  intention  to  take  an  early  opportunity  of 
uniting  myself  to  the  church  by  the  reception  of 
that  holy  ordinance."  Bishop  Moore  replied  that 
Mr.  Hamilton  must  be  sensible  of  the  delicate  situ- 
ation in  which  he  was  placed;  that  however  desir- 
ous he  might  be  to  afford  consolation  to  a  fellow 
mortal  in  distress,  it  was  his  duty  as  a  minister  of 
the  Gospel  to  hold  up  the  law  of  God  as  paramount 
to  all  other  law ;  and  that  therefore  under  the  in- 
fluence of  such  sentiments  he  must  unequivocally 
condemn  the  practice  which  had  brought  him  to 
32 


374  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

his  present  unhappy  condition.  Mr.  Hamilton  ac- 
knowledged the  propriety  of  these  sentiments,  and 
declared  that  he  regarded  his  interview  with  Mr.  Burr 
with  sorrow  and  contrition.  Bishop  Moore  then 
asked  him :  "  Should  it  please  God  to  restore  you 
to  health,  will  you  never  be  again  engaged  in  a 
similar  transaction?  And  will  you  employ  all  your 
influence  in  society  to  discountenance  this  barba- 
rous custom?"  His  answer  was:  "That,  sir,  is  my 
deliberate  intention." 

The  conversation  then  turned  upon  the  subject 
of  the  Communion.  The  bishop  dwelt  upon  the 
requisite  qualifications  of  those  who  wished  to  be- 
come partakers  of  that  holy  ordinance.  He  pro- 
pounded the  following  questions  to  Mr.  Hamilton : 
"  Do  you  sincerely  repent  of  your  past  sins  ?  Have 
you  a  lively  faith  in  God's  mercy  through  Christ, 
with  a  thankful  remembrance  of  the  death  of 
Christ  ?  And  are  you  disposed  to  live  in  love  and 
chanty  with  all  men?"  Mr.  Hamilton  lifted  up 
his  hands  and  said :  "With  the  utmost  sincerity  of 
heart  I  can  answer  those  questions  in  the  affirma- 
tive. I  have  no  ill-will  against  Colonel  Burr.  1 
met  him  with  a  fixed  resolution  to  do  him  no  harm. 
I  forgive  all  that  happened."  The  bishop  then 
continued  that  the  terrors  of  the  law  were  intended 
only  for  those  who  were  obdurate  and  impenitent; 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  375 

tLjit  the  blessings  of  the  Gospel  were  promised  to  the 
contrite  and  penitent ;  and  that  as  he  professed  him- 
self to  be  of  the  latter  class,  the  Communion  would 
be  administered  to  him.  Mr.  Hamilton  received 
this  sacrament  with  the  utmost  devoutness  and  so- 
lemnity, and  expressed  "the  strongest  confidence 
in  the  mercy  of  God,  through  the  intercession  of 
the  Redeemer."  After  this  duty  had  been  per- 
formed one  only  yet  remained;  but  it  was  the  most 
painful  of  all.  No  incident  in  the  wide  and 
diversified  range  of  human  suffering  and  misfor- 
tune exceeds  in  intensity  of  sadness  and  wo,  the 
scene  which  occurred  in  the  chamber  of  that  dying 
and  murdered  statesman,  when  he  bade  his  last 
farewell  to  his  afflicted  family.  At  the  sight  of  his 
children  as  they  surrounded  his  bed,  seven  in  num- 
ber, his  utterance  forsook  him.  He  opened  his 
eyes,  gave  them  all  one  long  last  look  of  affection, 
and  then  closed  them  again  until  they  were  re- 
moved. The  grief  of  Mrs.  Hamilton  at  this  crisis 
became  frantic.  It  was  apprehended  that  her  reason 
would  sink  under  its  weight.  Mr.  Hamilton  alone 
could  calm  her  spirit.  He  addressed  her  frequently 
in  a  firm  yet  affectionate  and  impressive  manner, 
with  these  remarkable  words :  "  Remember,  my 
Eliza,  you  are  a  Christian." 

Having  embraced  his  wife  for  the  last  time,  he 


87G  THE    LIFE   AND    TIMES 

calmly  composed  himself -to  die;  and  he  expired 
the  day  after  the  fatal  meeting,  at  two  o'clock  in 
the  afternoon.  Thus  passed  away  from  the  earth 
one  of  the  most  gifted,  powerful,  and  illustrious 
spirits  which  has  ever  figured  upon  the  great  and 
wondrous  stage  of  human  affairs.*  The  grief 
which  pervaded  the  whole  nation  at  this  lamentable 
event  was  profound  and  universal.  It  exceeded 
even  that  which  ensued  upon  the  death  of  Wash- 
ington ;  because  the  departure  from  life  of  that 
great  patriot  was  neither  violent  nor  premature. 
He  had  completed  his  glorious  career;  and  expired 
when  full  of  years  and  honors.  The  death  of 
Hamilton,  however,  was  regarded  universally  as  a 
murder,  and  as  a  sacrifice  made  to  the  implacable 
hate  of  his  antagonist,  who  had  clearly  evinced  a 
determination  to  accept  of  no  explanation  or  apo- 
logy, except  such  as  would  have  degraded  and  in- 
jured his  victim  in  the  eyes  of  the  world. f 


*  See  New  York  Evening  Post,  July  14,  1804. 

f  The  very  day  after  Hamilton's  death,  his  assassin  very  coolly 
•wrote  the  following  letter  to  his  son-in-law,  Joseph  Alston,  while 
he  was  surrounded  by  a  whole  community  convulsed  with  paroxysms 
of  grief; 

NEW  YOKK,  July  13,  1804. 

"  General  Hamilton  died  yesterday.  The  malignant  federalists  or 
tories,  and  the  imbittered  Clintonians,  unite  in  endeavoring  to  excite 
public  sympathy  in  his  favor  and  indignation  against  his  antagonist. 
Thousands  of  absurd  falsehoods  are  circulated  with  industry.  The 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  377 

Mr.  Hamilton  expired  on  Thursday,  and  his 
funeral  took  place  on  the  succeeding  Saturday. 
The  scene  was  one  of  the  utmost  solemnity  and  im- 
pressiveness.  By  common  consent  all  business  was 
suspended.  Sorrow  seemed  to  be  stamped  on  every 
countenance ;  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  the  city 
crowded  to  pay  the  last  testimonial  of  respect  and 
affection  to  the  illustrious  dead.  During  the  inter- 
val between  his  death  and  funeral,  many  societies 
and  corporations  in  New  York  held  meetings  and 
passed  resolutions  of  condolence.  The  chief  mer- 
chants met  at  the  Tontine  Coffee  House.  The  flags 
of  all  the  shipping  were  hoisted  at  half-mast.  The 
Common  Council  assembled,  passed  resolutions  of 
regret,  and  ordered  that  all  the  bells  of  the  corpora- 
tion and  of  the  churches  in  the  city  should  be 
muffled  and  tolled  at  intervals  during  the  entire  day 
of  the  buriral.  The  members  of  the  Bar  met,  and 
passed  resolves  such  as  are  rarely  equaled  in  depth 
of  sincerity  and  profound  respect,  by  those  which 
are  usually  elicited  from  the  members  of  that  body, 
even  on  the  decease  of  their  most  illustrious  breth- 

most  illiberal  means  are  practiced  in  order  to  produce  excitement, 
and  for  the  moment  with  effect. 

"  I  propose  leaving  town  for  a  few  days,  and  meditate  also  a  jour- 
ney for  some  weeks,  but  whither  is  not  resolved.  Perhaps  to  States- 
burgh.  You  will  hear  from  me  again  in  about  eight  days. 

A.  BCER." 

32* 


878  THE    LIFE    AXD  TIMES 

ren.  The  military  forces  of  the  city  were  ordered 
to  parade  on  the  occasion  of  the  funeral,  and  be 
prepared  to  confer  the  highest  military  honors  over 
the  grave.  The  students  of  law,  the  students  of 
Columbia  College,  the  members  of  the  General 
Society  of  Mechanics  and  Traders  of  New  York, 
the  members  of  the  St.  Andrew's  Society,  all  assem- 
bled, recorded  their  grief,  and  determined  to  attend 
the  funeral.  The  Brothers  of  the  Ancient  Society  of 
Tammany  resolved  to  meet  by  tribes  in  the  Great 
"Wigwam,  and  follow  under  the  orders  of  their 
Grand  Sachem,  the  funeral  cortege  of  their  fallen 
hero  to  the  tomb. 

When  the  hour  appointed  for  the  funeral  arrived, 
a  more  imposing  scene  had  never  been  witnessed  on 
this  continent,  than  that  which  was  then  presented. 
The  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  very  properly  took 
charge  of  the  last  obsequies  of  their  departed  bro- 
ther. Twenty-three  different  orders,  societies,  and 
corporations  joined  the  funeral  procession,  besides 
the  military,  array,  composed  of  both  infantry  and 
artillery.  The  great  standard  of  the  order  of  the 
Cincinnati,  which  Washington  himself  had  conse- 
crated, shrouded  in  crape,  was  carried  in  the  proces- 
sion in  the  rear  of  the  corpse.  Solemn  martial 
music,  hallowed  in  the  memories  of  not  a  few  then 
present  by  many  revolutionary  scenes,  reverberated 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON. 

through  the  silent  air,  and  drew  tears  from  myriads 
of  eyes.  At  twelve  o'clock  the  procession  moved. 
The  pall  was  supported  by  eight  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished citizens  of  the  State  of  New  York,  the 
personal  friends  of  the  deceased.  On  the  top  of  the 
coffin  were  placed  the  general's  hat  and  sword.  His 
old  charger,  which  had  carried  him  over  more  than 
one  field  of  blood,  was  dressed  in  mourning  and  led 
behind  the  bier.  When  the  immense  procession 
arrived  at  Trinity  Church  on  Broadway,  Governeur 
Morris,  surrounded  by  the  four  sons  of  General 
Hamilton,  delivered  an  oration  characterized  by 
solemn  and  appropriate  eloquence,  from  a  stage 
erected  in  front  of  the  church.  The  multitude  were 
bathed  in  tears,  while  the  impressive  voice  of  tho 
orator  gave  utterance  to  thoughts  which  found  a 
ready  echo  in  every  heart.  Speaking  of  the  illus- 
trious dead,  he  said  :  "You  have  long  witnessed  his 
professional  conduct  and  felt  his  unrivaled  elo- 
quence. You  know  how  well  he  performed  the 
duties  of  a  citizen.  You  know  that  he  never  courted 
your  favors  by  adulation  or  the  sacrifice  of  his  own 
judgment.  You  have  seen  him  contending  against 
you,  saving  your  dearest  interests  as  it  were  in 
spite  of  yourselves.  And  now  you  feel  and  enjoy 
the  benefits  resulting  from  the  firm  energy  of  his 
conduct.  Bear  this  testimony  to  tbe  memory  of 


380  THE    LTFE   AND   TIMES 

my  departed  friend.  I  charge  you  to  protect  Ms  fame. 
It  is  all  he  has  left — all  that  these  poor  orphan  chil- 
dren will  inherit  from  their  father.  But,  my  coun- 
trymen, that  fame  may  be  a  rich  treasure  to  you 
also.  Let  it  be  the  test  by  which  to  examine  those 
who  solicit  your  favor.  Disregarding  professions 
view  their  conduct,  and  on  a  doubtful  occasion  ask, 
Would  Hamilton  have  done  this  thing  ? 

"You  all  know  how  he  perished.  On  this  last 
scene  I  cannot,  I  must  not  dwell.  I  might  ex- 
cite emotions  too  strong  for  your  better  judg- 
ment. Suffer  not  your  indignation  to  lead  to  any 
act  which  might  again  offend  the  insulted  majesty 
of  the  law.  On  his  part,  as  from  his  lips,  though 
with  my  voice, — for  his  voice  you  will  hear  no 
more, — let  me  entreat  you  to  respect  yourselves." 

After  the  conclusion  of  the  address  of  Mr.  Morris, 
the  corpse  was  committed  to  its  last  resting  place, 
and  the  impressive  service  of  the  Episcopal  Church 
was  read  by  Bishop  Moore.  The  solemnities  were 
then  terminated  by  the  discharge  of  three  volleys  of 
musketry  over  the  grave. 

Throughout  the  whole  nation  meetings  were 
held,  and  resolutions  of  condolence  and  sympathy 
at  the  national  loss  were  passed.  Orations  were 
delivered  in  which,  for  once,  the  loftiest  eloquence 
found  a  fitting  theme  for  its  sublimest  flights.  At 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  381 

Boston  and  Philadelphia  the  demonstrations  of  re- 
gret were  universal  and  impressive.  In  the  former 
city,  Harrison  G.  Otis  was  selected  to  give  form  and 
utterance  to  the  universal  sorrow.  Said  he  elo- 
quently :  "  Must  we  realize  that  Hamilton  is  no 
more  !  Must  the  sod  not  yet  cemented  on  the  tomb 
of  "Washington,  and  still  moist  with  our  tears,  be  so 
soon  disturbed  to  admit  the  beloved  companion  of 
"Washington,  the  partner  of  his  dangers,  the  object 
of  his  confidence,  the  disciple  who  leaned  upon  his 
bosom  !  Insatiable  Death  !  "Will  not  the  heroes 
and  statesmen  whom  mad  ambition  has  sent  from 
the  crimsoned  fields  of  Europe,  suffice  to  people 
thy  dreary  dominions  !  Thy  dismal  avenues  have 
been  thronged  with  princely  martyrs  and  illustri- 
ous victims.  Crowns  and  sceptres,  the  spoils  of 
royalty,  are  among  thy  recent  trophies,  and  the 
blood  of  innocence  and  valor  has  flowed  in  torrents 
at  thy  inexorable  command.  Such  have  been  thy 
ravages  in  the  old  world.  And  in  our  infant  coun- 
try, how  small  was  the  remnant  of  our  revolutionary 
heroes  !  Could  not  our  "Warren,  our  Montgomery, 
our  Mercer,  our  Greene,  and  our  "Washington  ap- 
pease thy  vengeance  !"  And  with  appropriate  and 
truthful  words  the  orator  concludes : — 

"  The  universal  sorrow  manifested  in  every  part 
of  the  Union,  upon  the  melancholy  exit  of  this 


382  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

great  man,  is  an  unequivocal  testimonial  of  the 
public  opinion  of  his  worth.  The  place  of  his  resi- 
dence is  overspread  with  a  gloom  which  bespeaks 
the  presence  of  a  public  calamity;  and  the  preju- 
dices of  party  are  absorbed  in  the  overflowing  tide 
of  national  grief."* 

"  So  stream  the  sorrows  that  emoalm  the  brave ; 
The  tears  which  virtue  sheds  on  glory's  grave." 


*  See  "Eulogy  on  General  Alexander  Hamilton,  pronounced  at 
the  request  of  the  citizens  of  Boston,  July  26th,  1804,  by  the  Hon. 
Harrison  G.  Otis.  New  York,  1804." 


OP   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  383 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE  EFFECTS  OF  HAMILTON'S  DEATH — HIS  PECULIAR  INTELLECTUAL  QUA- 
LITIES  HI8  LOGICAL  POWERS — HIS  FERTILE  IMAGINATION — HIS  PRO- 
FOUND LEARNING — HIS  UNTIRING  INDUSTRY — HIS  ABILITIES  AS  A  WRITER 
— HIS  ELOQUENCE  AS  A  SPEAKER — HIS  MORAL  QUALITIES — HIS  INTE- 
GRITY—  HIS  SINCERITY  —  HIS  FORTITUDE  AS  A  SOLDIER  —  HIS  UNE- 
QUALED  ABILITIES  AS  A  STATESMAN  AND  PATRIOT — HIS  FAILINGS — 
HIS  DPEL  WITH  BURR — HIS  PERSONAL  APPEARANCE — SUBSEQUENT 
HISTORY  OF  MRS.  HAMILTON — HER  INTERVIEW  WITH  AARON  BURR — HEB 
DEATH — FATE  OF  BURR. 

THE  premature  death  of  Hamilton  was  a  na- 
tional calamity.  It  is  not  difficult  to  predict  to 
what  exalted  posts  of  honor  he  would  have  been 
promoted,  had  he  lived.  Possessing,  as  he  did,  the 
full  confidence  of  the  nation,  having  filled  import- 
ant offices  of  trust  with  the  purest  integrity  and 
the  highest  praise ;  being  devoted  to  the  interests 
of  his  country ;  his  faculties  being  matured  by  ex- 
perience, and  his  knowledge  of  the  wants  of  the 
nation  enlarged  by  study  and  observation  ;  it  is  not 
improbable  that  a  very  few  years  would  have  seen 
him  occupying  the  presidential  chair.  And  if,  as 
was  probable,  that  event  occurred  during  the  exist- 
ence of  the  war  of  1812,  Mr.  Hamilton  would,  by 
virtue  of  his  office,  have  been  commander-in-chief 
of  the  American  armies ;  and  it  is  but  a  reasonable 


384  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

inference  to  suppose  that  his  military  genius  would 
have  shone  forth  in  that  great  crisis  more  resplen- 
dent than  ever.  In  a  word,  the  completed  and  fully 
consummated  career  of  Alexander  Hamilton  would 
without  much  douht  have  been  the  brightest,  loftiest, 
and  noblest  presented  in  the  whole  range  of  Ame- 
rican history. 

All  this  fair  picture  was  spoiled  by  the  malignity 
of  his  bitterest  foe,  Aaron  Burr.  A  nation's  tears 
were  shed  over  the  grave  of  his  illustrious  victim, 
and  the  undying  curses  of  all  virtuous  men,  in  all 
coming  time,  were  secured  to  the  perpetrator  of 
his  murder.  Before  concluding  this  volume  we  will 
make  a  few  observations  upon  the  history,  character, 
genius,  and  fame  of  Hamilton,  such  as  will  enable 
us  better  to  estimate  the  position  which  he  deserves 
to  hold  on  the  page  of  American  history. 

The  chief  qualities  of  the  mind  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  were  a  clear  and  vigorous  reasoning  fa- 
culty, and  a  chaste  and  prolific  imagination.  He 
possessed  a  rare  and  beautiful  proportion  of  these 
cardinal  mental  qualities.  In  the  discussion  of 
any  subject  he  seized  hold  of  the  main  points  with 
the  vigor  of  an  intellectual  giant,  and  handled  them 
skillfully,  gracefully,  and  with  ease.  No  matter 
how  abstruse  the  details  of  a  discussion  or  an  in- 
quiry might  be  to  other  men,  his  well-trained  and 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  385 

powerful  intellect  followed  out  and  unraveled  all  its 
intricacies,  and  showed  them  up  clearly  to  view. 
No  matter  how  profound  and  deep  a  theme  might 
be,  Hamilton  easily  and  perseveringly  sounded  its 
lowest  and  obscurest  depths,  and  revealed  them 
plainly  to  the  observation  of  men.  He  was  always 
thorough  and  exhaustive  in  his  researches,  as  his 
reports  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  will  clearly 
evince.  He  dived  to  the  bottom  of  every  subject. 
Having  laid  down  his  premises  plainly  and  fairly, 
he  argues  from  those  premises  with  the  most  logi- 
cal clearness,  accuracy,  and  force.  His  reasoning 
forms  a  chain  of  iron  which  a  giant  cannot  break. 
But  that  iron  chain,  though  ponderous  and  power- 
ful, was  a  gilded  one.  It  was  burnished  with  all  the 
beauty  and  polish  of  a  rich  imagination.  Few 
writers  in  our  language,  not  even  those  who  have 
cultivated  elegance  and  euphony  of  style  as  their 
sole  accomplishment,  and  whose  entire  attention  has 
been  devoted  to  the  labor  limae,  excelled  him  in 
this  particular.  His  essays,  pamphlets,  and  reports 
are  masterpieces ;  each  perfect,  symmetrical  and 
finished  in  itself. 

This  merit  becomes  the  more  extraordinary  when 

we  remember  the  vast  quantity  of  his  writings.    He 

did  not  confine  his  powej  s  to  the  elaboration  of  a 

few  great  productions,  and  exhaust  upon  them  all 

33 


386  THE  LIFE  AND  TIMES 

his  mental  resources.  His  intellect. was  too  prolific 
and  too  rich  for  any  such  aim.  The  number  and 
amount  of  Hamilton's  writings  are  prodigious. 
They  occupy  seven  large  octavo  volumes,  exclusive 
of  the  Federalist.  They  are  more  numerous  than 
the  productions  of  Burke,  Bolingbroke,  Brougham, 
"Webster,  or  Quincy  Adams ;  nor  are  the  writings 
of  any  modern  or  ancient  statesman,  except  per- 
haps Cicero  alone,  equal  in  amount  to  those  of  Ha- 
milton. Nor  should  it  be  forgotten,  in  our  estima- 
tion of  his  intellectual  resources,  that  he  was  not  a 
recluse  whose  life  was  passed  in  the  quietude  and 
retirement  of  his  study.  The  largest  portion  of  his 
time  was  spent  in  the  hurry  and  bustle  of  public 
business,  in  the  official  bureau,  in  the  courts  of 
justice,  in  giving  professional  counsel,  in  the  po- 
pular and  deliberative  assembly. 

In  this  last  sphere  of  intellectual  activity  Hamil- 
ton shone  with  unsurpassed  brilliancy;  for  as  an 
orator  he  had  no  superior.  His  manner  of  delivery 
was  easy,  graceful,  and  impressive.  His  utterance 
was  fluent,  unembarrassed,  and  self-possessed.  His 
eloquence  was  Ciceronian  rather  than  Demosthe- 
nian;  and  while,  when  occasion  served,  he  could 
thunder  with  a  power  and  effectiveness  not  unwor- 
thy of  the  ancient  and  implacable  foe  of  Philip  of 
Macedon,  his  more  prevalent  style  was  that  of 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  887 

i 

suavity,  melody,  and  grace.  He  spoke  as  if  the 
Attic  Bee  dwelt  forever  on  his  lips.  In  a  delibera- 
tive assembly,  in  the  courts  of  justice,  or  in  the 
halls  of  the  academy,  the  eloquence  of  Hamilton 
•was  a  model  of  perfection.  He  was  the  pride  and 
delight  of  all  who  could  appreciate  the  beauties  of 
a  polished,  consummate,  and  masterly  eloquence. 
Even  his  great  rival  and  enemy,  Aaron  Burr,  was 
compelled  to  concede  Hamilton's  supremacy  in  this 
respect. 

His  literary  and  scientific  attainments  were  by  no 
means  limited.  His  knowledge  was  extensive  and 
accurate.  Possessing  a  retentive  memory,  clear 
discrimination,  and  indomitable  industry,  he  soon 
mastered  the  details  of  every  branch  of  learning  to 
which  his  attention  was  directed,  and  made  them 
his  own.  In  his  youth  he  spent  only  three  years 
in  Columbia  College;  yet  during  that  period  he 
rendered  himself  familiar  with  classical  languages 
and  learning,  with,  general  history,  with  the  mathe- 
matics and  exact  sciences.  "We  have  already  seen 
liow,  in  four  short  months,  he  acquired  a  competent 
knowledge  of  the  dry  and  abstruse  learning,  both  of 
the  common  and  the  statute  law,  and  prepared  him- 
self for  admission  to  the  bar.  His  subsequent  and 
rapid  rise  to  the  first  eminence  in  that  profession 
among  rivals  and  associates  of  the  highest  abilities, 


388  THE    LIFE    AND    TIMES 

as  soon  as  lie  devoted  himself  actively  to  his  profes- 
sional career,  clearly  evince  how  superior  his  legal 
gifts  and  attainments  were.  Had  he  lived,  it  is  not 
improbable  that  he  would  have  become  one  of  the 
most  celebrated  and  profound  jurists  of  the  laud 
His  associates  at  the  bar,  usually  so  jealous  of  su 
perior  genius  and  of  unusual  success,  regarded  him 
with  pride,  and  rarely  with  envy.  He  possessed 
the  fullest  confidence  of  the  courts.  In  the  trial 
of  causes,  and  in  the  discussion  of  legal  principles, 
it  was  truly  said  of  him,  by  one  eminently  compe- 
tent to  judge,  that  "without  ever  stopping  or  even 
hesitating,  by  a  rapid  and  manly  march  he  led  the 
listening  judge  and  the  fascinated  juror,  step  by 
step,  through  a  delightsome  region,  brightening  aa 
he  advanced,  till  his  argument  rose  to  demonstra- 
tion, and  eloquence  was  rendered  useless  by  con- 
viction."* 

The  moral  qualities  of  Hamilton  were  such  as 
every  wise  and  good  man  must  esteem.  His  inte- 
grity and  honesty  were  unimpeachable.  This  trait 
in  his  character  first  won  him  the  confidence  of 
Washington,  and  rendered  him  his  bosom  friend 

*  See  "Discourse  delivered  in  the  North  Dutch  Church,  in  the 
city  of  Albany,  occasioned  by  the  ever  to  be  lamented  death  of  Ge- 
neral Alexander  Hamilton,  on  29th  July,  1804,  by  Eliphalet  Nott, 
A.  M.,  Pastor  of  the  Presbyterian  Church  in  said  city.  New  York, 
1804." 


OP    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  389 

while  yet  almost  a  youth.  During  the  progress  of 
the  revolutionary  war,  he  intrusted  Hamilton  with 
the  most  important  secret  missions,  in  preference 
to  all  his  other  officers  and  subordinates.  After  the 
elevation  of  Washington  to  the  presidency,  he  con- 
ferred on  Hamilton  the  most  important  and  respon- 
sible post  in  his  Cabinet;  for  at  that  critical  period 
the  finances  of  the  country  were  the  most  difficult 
matter  of  adjustment  which  demanded  the  atten- 
tion of  government.  Hamilton  was  appointed  Se- 
cretary of  the  Treasury  with  the  approval  of  the 
greatest  financier  who  has  ever  adorned  American 
history.*  The  manner  in  which  he  performed  his 
difficult  duties  has  ever  been  the  subject  of  universal 
praise.  Twice  in  the  House  of  Eepresentatives  did 
his  personal  and  political  opponent,  Mr.  Giles,  move 
an  inquiry  into  the  details  of  his  official  acts. 
Twice  was  the  most  searching  and  malignant  inves- 
tigation entered  into  in  reference  to  the  Treasury 
department.  And  twice  were  the  committees,  with 
Giles  himself  at  their  head,  compelled  to  report 
that,  after  the  most  thorough  examination,  not  the 
smallest  inaccuracy,  not  the  slightest  negligence, 
aot  the  least  dishonesty,  could  be  detected  in  the 

*  Washington,  in  the  first  instance,  selected  Robert  Morris  as  Se- 
cretary  of   the  Treasury.      That  gentleman  declined,  and   recom- 
mended Mr.  Hamilton,  knowing  that  he  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
President— See  "Sullivan's  Familiar  Letters,"  Boston,  1834,  p.  40. 
Rft# 


300  THE   LlfE   AND   TIMES 

administration  of  the  Treasury  office  under  Mr. 
Hamilton. 

In  truth,  his  abilities  in  this  department  saved 
this  country  from  ruin.  Exhausted  by  the  revolu- 
tionary struggle,  it  had  become  a  financial  desert. 
The  barren  rock  of  the  national  finances  towered 
in  loneliness  and  desolation  over  the  waste.  Hamil- 
ton, like  Moses  of  old,  smote  that  rock  with  the 
potent  rod  of  a  magician,  and  instantly  golden 
streams  issued  forth  to  fertilize,  adorn,  and  enrich 
the  desert.  The  public  credit  of  the  nation  had 
long  been  sick.  At  length  it  had  yielded  to  the 
power  of  a  fatal  disease  and  expired.  It  became  a 
lifeless  corpse,  and  was  rapidly  becoming  putrid 
and  offensive.  Hamilton  touched  that  corpse  with 
the  skill  and  power  of  a  worker  of  miracles, 
and  instantly  it  sprang  into  life  again.  Nor  was  it 
a  feeble  and  languishing  life,  but  the  life  of  a  vigor- 
ous, graceful,  and  resistless  giant,  whose  powers 
filled  the  world  with  respect  and  admiration. 

As  a  soldier  Hamilton  was  eminently  brave,  chi- 
valrous, and  prudent.  No  charge  of  cowardice  or 
pusillanimity  was  ever  made  against  him.  His 
whole  conduct  during  the  war,  his  heroism  at  York- 
town,  where  he  triumphantly  led  the  forlorn  hope  ; 
and  his  unnecessary  meeting  of  Burr  on  "  the  field 
of  honor,"  all  evince  that  he  was  brave  even  to  a 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  391 

fault.  And  yet,  as  a  conqueror,  he  was  humane 
and  benevolent.  lie  spared  the  effusion  of  human 
blood  in  every  instance  in  which  it  was  possible. 
"When  victory  favored  his  arms,  he  did  not  sully  his 
glory  by  cruelty  or  malice,  or  wantonly  riot  in  hu- 
man suffering.  In  his  social  and  domestic  qualities 
Hamilton  was  kindly,  generous,  and  affectionate. 
In  him  the  friendless  found  a  friend,  the  fatherless 
a  father,  and  the  poor  a  benefactor,  a  protector,  and 
an  advocate.  When  the  rich  oppressed  the  indi- 
gent, when  the  powerful  threatened  the  defenseless, 
when  those  in  high  places  ventured  to  outrage  jus- 
tice, then  it  was  that  Hamilton  displayed  the  true 
grandeur  and  dignity  of  his  nature,  in  defending 
the  innocent,  the  defenseless,  and  the  injured,  with 
a  scathing  power  of  eloquence  which  filled  the 
observer  with  mingled  terror  and  admiration. 
When  he  perished,  among  the  myriads  of  eyes 
which  wept,  there  were  not  a  few  of  the  widows 
and  orphans  of  the  land  who  blessed  his  memory, 
and  shed  bitter  tears  over  his  untimely  fate.  In  his 
domestic  circle,  he  was  ever  most  tenderly  beloved, 
and  he  was  eminently  happy  in  that  circle. 

But  the  chief  glory  of  Hamilton  was  his  celebrity 
as  a  statesman.  He  appeared  upon  the  troubled 
ocean  of  the  revolutionary  era ;  he  rose  at  once  to  a 
loftv  eminence;  and  there  he  stood  amid  the  furi- 


592  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

ously  tossing  and  heaving  floods,  firm  as  a  rock, 
towering  in  lonely  majesty,  with  Washington  only 
at  his  side ;  and  visible  from  afar  as  a  noble  monu- 
ment of  greatness,  unshaken  by  the  raging  storms 
aoove  him  or  by  the  rolling  waters  beneath  him. 
The  part  which  Hamilton  played  in  the  organization 
and  establishment  of  the  federal  government  of  this 
glorious  republic,  and  his  subsequent  administration 
of  its  difficult  and  involved  financial  affairs,  will  re- 
main until  the  latest  period  of  recorded  time,  as 
one  of  the  most  honorable  memorials  in  the  history 
of  statesmen.  His  task,  which  he  so  successfully 
accomplished,  was  more  difficult  than  most  men,  at 
this  late  day,  would  readily  imagine.  We  now  be- 
hold the  fair  and  perfect  proportions  of  the  edifice 
which  he  erected;  but  we  do  not  see  the  horrid 
and  repulsive  chaos  out  of  which  he  evoked  so 
much  order,  beauty,  and  symmetry.  That  chaos 
seemed  to  most  men,  as  it  lay  spread  out  in  hideous 
and  involved  masses  over  the  whole  continent,  im- 
mediately after  the  conclusion  of  the  revolutionary 
war,  utterly  beyond  the  possibility  of  adjustment 
arid  arrangement.  Thirteen  conflicting  and  rival 
States,  each  with  her  own  interests,  passions,  and 
jealousies  to  satisfy  and  to  harmonize,  formed  the 
incongruous  and  heterogeneous  bulk  out  of  which 
the  American  confederacy  was  to  be  constructed. 


OF   ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  3  ,3 

It  seemed  a  task  which  no  human  skill  coi  Id 
achieve.  Yet  it  was  not  too  difficult  or  too  elal  o- 
rate  for  the  genius  and  the  skill  of  Hamilton.  Out 
of  all  this  boundless  chaos,  out  of  this  immer  se 
mass  of  conflicting  elements,  the  fair  and  majestic 
form  of  the  American  Federal  Constitution  gradu- 
ally arose,  created  by  the  masterly  touch  of  his 
hand,  and  eventually  overshadowed  the  whole  con- 
tinent with  its  glory  and  benignant  operation.  As 
long  as  this  confederacy  shall  survive  the  storms,  of 
time ;  as  long  as  the  land  of  Washington  shall  re- 
main the  home  of  freemen  and  the  asylum  of  the 
oppressed ;  as  long  as  the  pen  of  history  shall 
record  how  powerful,  happy,  and  glorious  Ameri- 
cans have  been  under  the  influence  and  protection 
of  this  government  and  this  Constitution,  so  long 
will  the  fame  of  Hamilton  survive,  fresh  and  fade- 
less, as  the  first  of  American  statesmen,  and  as  the 
the  second  of  her  patriots  and  her  heroes.  The  name 
and  fame  of  Hamilton  will  not  die,  until  that  dark 
day  shall  come  when  the  name  and  fame  of  Wash- 
ton  will  also  be  remembered  no  more.* 

And   yet  Hamilton    had   his  failings.     We   do 

*  The  permanent  reduction  of  the  national  debt  of  the  United 
States  was  due  to  the  operation  of  the  last  report  made  by  Mr. 
Hamilton,  previous  to  his  retirement  from  the  Treasury,  on  th« 
public  credit— See  "Sullivan's  Familiar  Letter?,"  p.  62. 


394  THE    LIFE   ASD   TIMES 

not  attempt  to  disguise  them.  He  was  a  man  of 
strong  natural  passions :  nor  were  those  passions 
always  kept  under  the  control  of  that  severer 
virtue  which  religion  requires.  Had  not  this  one 
blemish  existed  in  his  character,  the  old  adage,  Hu- 
manum  est  errare,  would  for  once  have  lost  its  univer- 
sal applicability  and  its  oracular  truth.  Yet  none 
are  perfect ;  and  had  Hamilton  been  absolutely  free 
from  fault,  he  had  not  been  human.  But  the  errors 
which  he  actually  committed  were  as  trifles  when 
compared  with  the  errors,  of  a  similar  description, 
which  have  been  habitually  perpetrated  by  many 
men  who  aspire  to  no  humble  place  in  the  pan- 
theon of  human  fame  and  virtue. 

The  chief  error  of  Hamilton's  life  was  his  duel 
with  Aaron  Burr.  It  has  been  said  of  him  that  he 
should  have  had  moral  courage  enough  to  de- 
cline the  challenge ;  and  that  he  should  have 
known,  that  his  honorable  career  as  a  soldier  and 
officer  during  the  Revolution  had  sufficiently  estab- 
lished his  reputation  for  bravery  to  have  defied  the 
charge  of  cowardice  under  any  circumstances.  But 
it  should  be  remembered  also  that  public  opinion  at 
that  period,  was  not  as  hostile  to  the  practice  of  duel- 
ing as  it  is  at  present.  And  especially  should  it  be 
borne  in  mind  that  Hamilton  was  a  military  man ; 
that  his  antagonist  was  a  military  man ;  and  that 


OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  395 

the  prejudices  of  military  men  on  this  subject  are 
stronger,  in  the  very  nature  of  things,  than  those 
of  other  persons.  Yet  even  these  prejudices  Hamil- 
ton had  in  a  great  measure  overcome ;  and  he  had 
determined,  in  case  he  survived  his  interview  with 
Burr,  to  have  made  a  public  protestation  against 
the  usage  of  dueling,  and  thrown  all  the  weight  of 
his  influence  against  it. 

The  comparative  innocence  of  Hamilton,  even  in 
that  meeting,  was  more  clearly  evinced  by  the  fact 
that  it  was  his  expressed  determination  not  to  fire 
at  his  opponent.  This  intention  he  declared  both 
to  his  second  Mr.  Pendleton,  and  in  writing  pre- 
vious to  the  interview.  His  only  fault  was  his  rash 
exposure  of  his  own  life  to  the  malignant  vengeance 
of  his  enemy.  For  this  crime  we  may  hope  he  has 
amply  atoned  by  his  death,  and  by  the  many  match- 
less virtues  which  adorned  his  life.  He  himself 
assigned  a  reason  of  no  trifling  moment  for  hia 
intention  to  meet  Col.  Burr,  which  is  in  itself 
highly  honorable  to  him.  He  asserted  that  he 
believed  that  if  he  declined  the  conflict,  it  would 
injure  his  future  usefulness  to  his  country,  in  the 
prosecution  of  those  great  measures  which  he  yet 
contemplated,  in  consequence  of  the  prevalent  pre- 
judices which  then  existed  in  the  community  in 
favor  of  duelling.  Patriotic  motives,  therefore,  lay 


396  THE   LIFE  AND   TIMES 

at  the  bottom  even  of  the  greatest  aiid  most  fatal 
error  of  his  life. 

The  personal  appearance  of  Mr.  Hamilton  was 
pleasing  and  attractive.  When  at  the  age  of  thirty- 
eight,  he  resumed  the  practice  of  the  law  in  New 
York,  in  1795,  he  was  thus  described :  He  was 
under  the  middle  size,  thin  in  person,  and  very 
erect,  courtly  and  dignified  in  his  bearing.  His 
hair  was  combed  back  from  his  forehead,  pow- 
dered, and  collected  in  a  cue  behind.  His  com- 
plexion was  very  delicate  and  fair,  his  cheeks  rosy, 
and  the  whole  expression  pleasing  and  cheerful. 
His  forehead  was  lofty,  capacious  and  prominent. 
His  appearance  accorded  well  with  the  expectations 
which  his  prodigious  fame  excited.  His  voice  was 
musical,  his  manner  frank  and  impulsive.  His 
ordinary  dress  was  a  blue  coat  with  gilt  buttons,  a 
white  silk  waistcoat,  black  silk  small-clothes,  and 
white  silk  stockings.  His  figure,  though  slight,  was 
well  proportioned  and  graceful.  His  appearance 
and  carriage  betokened  the  possessor  of  a  masterly 
intellect,  and  one  fully  conscious  of  his  powers. 

It  was  the  singular  fate  of  the  wife  of  Alexander 
Hamilton  to  survive  him  more  than  fifty  years. 
During  that  long  interval  of  widowhood,  she  re- 
ceived the  boundless  respect  and  sympathy  of  a 
grateful  nation.  Immediately  after  her  husband's 


0*    ALEXANDER   HAMILTON.  397 

death,  she  wrote  tie  following  appropriate  letter  in 
reply  to  a  communication  of  condolence  sent  her 
by  the  Order  of  the  Cincinnati,  to  which  her  husband 
had  belonged,  and  of  which  he  had  been  President- 
General. 

"  ALBANY,  August  llth,  1804. 

"  SIK  :  To  the  distress  of  a  heart  so  deeply  af- 
flicted as  mine,  from  the  irreparable  loss  of  a  most 
amiable  and  affectionate  husband,  I  trust  the  re- 
spectable society  in  which  you  preside  will  impute 
the  delay  of  an  acknowledgment  for  their  consola- 
tory letter,  couched  in  terms  that  evince  their  sym- 
pathy emanates  from  the  heart. 

"  Although  great  mitigation  of  that  affliction, 
with  which  I  am  so  severely  depressed,  can  only  be 
hoped  from  the  mercies  of  the  Divine  Being,  in 
whose  dispensations  it  is  the  duty  of  his  creatures 
humbly  and  devoutly  to  acquiesce ;  yet  the  wounded 
heart  derives  a  degree  of  consolation  from  the  ten- 
derness with  which  its  lot  is  bewailed  by  the  virtu- 
ous, the  wise,  and  humane — and  also  from  that  high 
honor  and  respect  with  which  the  memory  of  the 
dear  deceased  has  been  commemorated  by  them, 
and  those  contemplated  in  the  resolutions  of  the 
Society  of  the  Cincinnati,  transmitted  by  you,  and 
for  which  you,  sir,  will  be  pleased  to  convey  my 
warmest  thanks  to  that  respectable  body. 
34 


398  T1IE   LIFE   AND   TIMES 

"  I  reciprocate  with  sensibility  your  and  their  re- 
commendation of  me  to  the  Divine  care  and  protec- 
tion. May  they  ever  enjoy  it,  and  without  alloy. 
I  am,  sir,  with  great  respect,  your  obedient  servant, 
&c." 

Once  only  during  the  progress  of  her  life  was  she 
afflicted  with  the  sight  of  her  husband's  murderer. 
In  the  year  1822  she  was  traveling  from  New  York 
to  Albany  on  one  of  the  boats  on  the  Hudson 
river.  The  company  had  been  summoned  to  din- 
ner. "When  Mrs.  Hamilton  had  almost  reached  her 
seat  in  the  dining  saloon,  on  raising  her  eyes  she 
perceived  Aaron  Burr  standing  directly  opposite  to 
her,  with  the  narrow  width  of  the  table  alone  be- 
tween them.  The  shock  was  too  much  for  her 
system,  she  uttered  a  loud  scream,  fell,  and  was 
carried  in  a  fainting  state  from  the  apartment.  As 
eoon  as  she  recovered  she  insisted  on  being  set  on 
shore  at  the  first  landing-place.  She  refused  to 
journey  farther  on  a  vessel  which  contained  the 
detested  form  of  Aaron  Burr.  It  is  said  that,  after 
the  removal  of  Mrs.  Hamilton  from  the  dining 
saloon,  Burr  deliberately  sat  down  and  ate  a  hearty 
dinner  with  the  utmost  composure.  The  latter 
years  of  this  excellent  woman  were  spent  in  acts  of 
charity  and  benevolence,  in  a  public  institution  in 
the  vicinity  of  New  York.  She  died  at  length  in 


OF    ALEXANDER    HAMILTON.  399 

1854,  at  the  age  of  ninety-seven  years  and  three 
months.  Her  husband  was  not  unavenged.  Besides 
the  mighty  load  of  universal  obloquy  and  hate 
•which  overwhelmed  Burr  as  the  murderer  of  an 
innocent  and  illustrious  victim,  poverty  and  suffer- 
ing attended  him  during  his  remaining  years. 
Thus  when  wandering  in  France,  an  exile  and  an 
outcast,  suspected  and  frowned  on  by  Napoleon,  he 
records  as  follows  in  his  diary  of  November  23, 1810 : 
"  Nothing  from  America,  and  really  I  shall  starve. 
Borrowed  three  francs  to-day.  Four  or  five  little 
debts  keep  me  in  constant  alarm;  all  together, 
about  two  Louis. 

"  December  1,  1810.  came  in  upon  me 

this  morning,  just  as  I  was  out  of  bed,  for  twenty- 
seven  livres.  Paid  him,  which  took  literally  my 
last  sous.  "When  at  Denon's,  thought  I  might  as 
well  go  to  St.  Pelasgie ;  set  off,  but  recollected  I 
owed  the  woman  who  sits  in  the  passage  two  sous 
for  a  cigar,  so  turned  about  to  pursue  my  way  by 
the  Pont  des  Arts,  which  was  within  fifty  paces ;  re- 
membered I  had  not  wherewith  to  pay  the  toll, 
being  one  sous ;  had  to  go  all  the  way  round  by  the 
Pont  Royal,  more  than  half  a  mile." 

Burr  was  subsequently  afflicted  with  the  mysteri- 
ous and  premature  death  of  his  daughter,  Theodosia 
Alston,  one  of  the  most  beautiful  and  accomplished 


400  THE   LIFE   AND   TIMES   OF   HAMILTON. 

women  of  her  time.  She  and  her  son  were  sup- 
posed to  have  been  lost  at  sea.  At  length  this 
aged  curse  of  his  country  and  disgrace  of  his  race 
died  at  New  York,  on  the  14th  of  September,  1836, 
in  the  eighty-first  year  of  his  age.  He  survived  his 
duel  with  General  Hamilton  more  than  thirty  years ; 
and  during  that  long  and  cheerless  interval  he 
passed  through  scenes  of  trial,  anxiety,  and  suffer- 
ing which  would  have  completely  crushed  any  in- 
tellect riot  as  powerful,  and  any  heart  not  as  ada- 
mantine, as  his  own. 


APPENDIX. 


No.  I. 
FUNERAL  PROCESSION  OF  HAMILTON. 

THE  Society  of  the  Cincinnati  being  charged  with  the 
direction  of  the  funeral  ceremonies  of  its  President-General, 
the  following  is  the  order  of  procession  which  will  take 
place  to-morrow  at  ten  o'clock,  as  commemorative  of  an 
event  of  the  deepest  national  regret. 

ORDER  OF  PROCESSION. 

1.  The  Military  Corps,  commanded  by  Col.  Morton. 

2.  The  Society  of  the  Cincinnati. 

3.  Clergy  of  all  denominations. 

4.  The  Corpse. 

5.  The  General's  Horse. 

6.  Relations  of  the  deceased. 

7.  Physicians. 

8.  The  Judges  of  the  Supreme  Court. 

9.  Mr.  Gouverneur  Morris  in  his  carriage. 

10.  Gentlemen  of  the  Bar  and  Students  at  Law. 

11.  The  Governor  and  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  State. 

12.  The  Mayor  and  Corporation  of  the  City. 

13.  Members  of  Congress  and  Civil  Officers  of  the  United 
States. 

14.  The  Ministers,  Consuls,  and  Residents  of  Foreign 
Powers. 

15.  The  Officers  of  the  Army  and  Navy  of  the  United 
States. 

34*  (401) 


402  APPENDIX. 

16.   Military  and  Naval  Officers  of  Foreign  Powers. 
1*7.  Militia  Officers  of  the  State. 

18.  President,  Directors,  and  Officers  of  the  respective 
Banks. 

19.  Chamber  of  Commerce  and  Merchants. 

20.  Marine  Society,  Wardens  of  the  Port,  and  Masters 
and  Officers  of  all  vessels  in  the  Harbor. 

21.  The  President,  Professors,  and  Students  of  Colum- 
bia College. 

22.  The  different  Societies  in  such  order  as  their  respec 
tive  Presidents  may  arrange. 

23.  The  Citizens  in  general. 

The  Military  Corps  commanded  by  Col.  Morton  being 
ordered  to  parade  in  the  Park  at  10  o'clock,  accompanied 
with  six  pieces  of  Artillery,  two  of  the  pieces  will  remain 
on  the  ground  under  the  command  of  Capt.  Maclean,  and 
will  fire  minute  guns  from  the  movement  of  the  Corpse  until 
it  arrives  at  Trinity  Church. 

FUNERAL    OBSEQUIES. 

On  Saturday,  the  next  day,  the  remains  of  ALEXANDER 
HAMILTON  were  committed  to  the  grave,  with  every  possi- 
ble testimony  of  respect  and  sorrow.  The  following  will 
present  the  reader  with  a  correct  account  of  the  manner  in 
which  the  sad  solemnities  were  conducted. 

The  Military,  under  the  command  of  Lientenant-Col. 
Morton,  were  dcawn  up  in  front  of  Mr.  Church's  house,  in 
Robinson -street,  where  the  body  had  been  deposited.  On 
the  appearance  of  the  Corpse  it  was  received  by  the  whole 
line  with  presented  arms,  and  saluted  by  the  officers; — • 
melancholy  Music  by  a  large  and  elegant  Band. 

The  Military  then  preceded  the  bier,  in  open  column 
and  inverted  order,  the  left  in  front,  with  arms  reversed, 
the  Band  playing  a  Dead  March.  At  12  o'clock  the  pro- 


FUNERAL    PROCESSION   OF    HAMILTON.  403 

cession  moved  in  the  following  order,  through  Beekman, 
Pearl,  and  Whitehall-streets,  and  up  Broadway  to  the 
Church : 

The  Artillery. 

The-  6th  Regiment  of  Militia. 
Flank  Companies. 
Cincinnati  Society. 

A  numerous  train  of  Clergy  of  all  denominations. 

THE  CORPSE  WITH  PALL  BEARERS. 

The  General's  horse  appropriately  dressed. 

His  Children  and  Relatives. 

Physicians. 
Gouverneur  Morris,  the  funeral  orator,  in  his  carriage. 

The  Gentlemen  of  the  Bar,  all  in  deep  mourning. 

The  Lieutenant-Governor  of  the  State,  in  his  carriage. 

Corporation  of  the  city  of  New  York. 

Resident  Agents  of  Foreign  Powers. 

Officers  of  our  Army  and  Navy. 
Military  and  Naval  Officers  of  Foreign  Powers. 

Militia  Officers  of  the  State. 
The  various  Officers  of  the  respective  Banks. 

Chamber  of  Commerce  and  Merchants. 
Wardens  of  the  Port,  and  Masters  of  vessels  in  the  Harbor. 
The  President,  Professors,  and  Students  of  Columbia  Col- 
lege, in  mourning  gowns. 
St.  Andrew's  Society,  mostly  in  mourning. 
Tammany  Society. 
Mechanic  Society. 
Marine  Society. 
Citizens  in  general. 
The  Pall  was  supported  by 
General  Matthew  Clarkson, 
Oliver  Wolcott,  Esquire, 
Richard  Harison,  Esquire, 


404  APPENDIX. 

Abijah  Hammond,  Esquire, 
Josiah  Ogdeu  Hoffman,  Esquire, 
Richard  Varick,  Esquire, 
William  Bayard,  Esquire,  and 
His  Honor  Judge  Lawrence. 

On  the  top  of  the  coffin  was  the  General's  hat  and  sword ; 
his  boots  and  spurs  reversed  across  the  horse.  His  gray 
horse,  dressed  in  mourning,  was  led  by  two  black  servants 
dressed  in  white,  and  white  turbans  trimmed  with  black. 

The  streets  were  lined  with  people ;  doors  and  windows 
were  filled  principally  with  weeping  females ;  and  even  the 
house  tops  were  covered  with  spectators,  who  came  from 
all  parts  to  behold  the  melancholy  procession. 

When  the  advance  platoon  of  the  Military  reached  the 
Church,  the  whole  column  wheeled  backward  by  sections 
from  the  flanks  of  platoons,  forming  a  lane,  bringing  their 
muskets  to  a  reversed  order,  and  resting  the  cheek  on  the 
butt  of  the  piece  in  the  customary  attitude  of  grief.  Through 
the  avenue  thus  formed,  the  Corpse,  preceded  by  the  clergy 
of  different  denominations  and  Society  of  Cincinnati,  and 
followed  by  the  relations  of  the  deceased,  and  different  pub- 
lic bodies,  advanced  to  the  Church,  the  Bands,  with  drums 
muffled,  playing  all  the  time  a  pensive,  solemn  air. 


DEATH- BED  SCEXE  OP  AARON  BURR.     405 

No.   IT. 

DEATH-BED  SCEXE  OP  AAROX  BURR. 

IT  has  generally  been  believed  that  Burr  died  an  unbe- 
liever, refusing  religious  consolation.  A  distinguished 
Episcopal  minister,  in  preaching  a  sermon  to  the  young 
men  of  Washington  city,  alluded  to  Col.  Burr's  supposed 
religious  infidelity,  which  led  to  the  following  highly  inte- 
resting letter  of  the  venerable  Rev.  Dr.  Yanpelt: 

"  THURSDAY,  HAMMOND-ST.,  X.  Y.,  Dec.  13,  1855. 

"  Mr.  Sam.  C.  Reid,  Jr. — My  dear  Sir :  I  received  yours 
of  Monday,  10th  inst.,  last  evening,  in  which  you  '  desire 
me  to  give  you  a  full  statement  of  all  the  facts  concerning 
the  last  moments  of  Colonel  Aaron  Burr,'  &c.  In  com- 
pliance with  your  desire,  I  state — that  in  the  summer,  about 
the  20th  June,  1836,  Colonel  A.  Burr  came  to  Port  Rich- 
mond Hotel,  Staten  Island,  where  he  took  board,  near  which 
I  theu-  resided,  as  also  did  the  relative  and  friend  of  Colonel 
Burr,  Judge  Ogden  Edwards.  The  Colonel  (Burr)  being 
a  valetudinarian,  in  feeble  health,  Judge  Edwards  solicited 
me,  as  often  as  I  conveniently  could,  to  visit  him,  and  ad- 
minister the  consolation  of  religion  to  him,  which,  he  said, 
was  desired  by  Col.  Burr,  and  would  be  agreeable  to  him. 

Accordingly,  from  that  time  till  the  13th  of  September, 
1836,  the  day  on  which  he  died  at  the  said  Port  Richmond 
House,  I  visited  him  as  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  once  or 
twice  a  week.  At  these  consecutive  interviews  I  was  uni- 
formly received  by  him  with  his  accustomed  politeness  and 
urbanity  of  manner.  The  time  spent  with  him  at  each  inter- 
view—which  was  an  hour,  more  or  less— was  chiefly  employed 


40G  APPENDIX. 

in  religious  conversations,  adapting  to  his  declining  health, 
his  feeble  state  of  body,  and  his  advanced  age,  concluding 
by  prayer  to  Almighty  God  for  the  exercise  of  his  great 
mercy,  the  influence  of  his  Holy  Spirit  and  divine  blessing. 
In  all  which  he  appeared  to  take  an  interest  and  be  pleased, 
and  particularly  would  thank  me  tor  the  prayers  I  offered 
up  in  his  behalf,  for  my  kind  offices,  and  the  interest  I  took 
in  his  spiritual  welfare,  saying  it  gave  him  pleasure  to  see 
me  and  hear  my  voice.  And  when  I  reminded  him  of  the 
advantages  he  had  enjoyed,  of  his  honored  and  pious  an- 
cestry, viz. :  his  father  a  minister  of  the  Gospel,  and  Presi- 
dent of  the  College  at  Princeton,  New  Jersey,  and  his  mo- 
ther a  descendant  of  the  learned  and  celebrated  divine 
Jonathan  Edwards  ;  and  that  doubtless  many  prayers  had 
gone  up  to  Heaven  from  the  hearts  of  his  parents  for  his 
well-being  and  happiness,  it  seemed  to  affect  him.  And 
when  I  asked  him  as  to  his  views  of  the  Holy  Scriptures, 
he  responded — '  They  are  the  most  perfect  system  of  truth 
the  world  has  ever  seen.'  So  that  judging  from  his  own 
declaration  and  behavior  to  me,  as  his  spiritual  adviser,  he 
was  not  an  atheist  nor  a  deist. 

"I  did  not  administer  the  holy  sacrament  to  him,  nor  did 
he  suggest  and  request  me  to  do  it. 

"  In  regard  to  other  topics,  in  the  course  of  repeated  con- 
versations, he  remarked  he  was  near  General  Montgomery 
when  he  fell  at  Quebec  ;  and  that  notwithstanding  that  dis- 
aster, if  the  army  had  pushed  on,  they  would  have  suc- 
ceeded. In  reference  to  the  affair  and  death  of  General 
Hamilton  but  little  was  said.  He  intimated,  however,  that 
he  was  provoked  to  that  encounter. 

"  At  my  last  interview  with  him,  about  12  o'clock  at  noon, 
the  day  he  departed  this  life,  about  2  o'clock,  p.  M.,  as 
aforesaid,  September  13,  1836,  I  found  him  as  usual, 


DEAT1I  BED    SCENE    OF  AARON   BURR.  407 

pleased  to  see  me,  tranquil  in  mind,  and  not  disturbed  by 
bodily  pain. 

"Observing  a  paleness  and  change  in  his  countenance,  and 
nis  pulse  tremulous,  fluttering  and  erratic,  I  asked  him  how 
he  felt.  He  replied,  not  so  well  as  when  I  saw  him  last. 
I  then  said,  '  Colonel,  I  do  not  wish  to  alarm  you,  but 
judging  from  the  state  of  your  pulse,  your  time  with  as  is 
short,'  He  replied,  'I  am  aware  of  it.'  It  was  then 
near  1  o'clock,  p.  M.,  and  his  mind  and  memory  seemed 
perfect.  I  said  to  him,  '  In  this  solemn  hour  of  your  appa- 
rent dissolution,  believing,  as  you  do,  in  the  sacred  Scrip- 
tures, your  accountability  to  God,  let  me  ask  you  how  you 
feel  in  view  of  approaching  eternity ;  whether  you  have 
good  hope,  through  grace,  that  all  your  sins  will  be  par- 
doned, and  God  will,  in  mercy,  pardon  you,  for  the  sake 
of  the  merits  and  righteousness  of  his  beloved  son,  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ,  who  in  love  suffered  and  died  for  us  the 
agonizing,  bitter  death  of  the  cross,  by  whom  alone  we  can 
have  the  only  sure  hope  of  salvation  ?'  To  which  he  said, 
with  deep  and  evident  emotion,  '  On  that  subject  I  am 
coy  ;'  by  which  I  understood  him  to  mean,  that  on  a  subject 
of  such  magnitude  and  momentous  interest,  touching  the 
assurance  of  his  salvation,  he  felt  coy,  cautious  (as  the  word 
denotes)  to  express  himself  in  full  confidence. 

"With  his  usual  cordial  concurrence  and  manifest  desire 
we  kneeled  in  prayer  before  the  throne  of  heavenly  grace — 
imploring  God's  mercy  and  blessing.  He  turned  in  his 
bed,  and  put  himself  in  an  humble  devotional  posture,  and 
seemed  deeply  engaged  in  the  religious  service,  thanking 
me,  as  usual,  for  the  prayer  made  for  him. 

"  Calm  and  coanposed,  I  recommended  him  to  the  mercy  of 
God  and  to  the  word  of  his  grace,  with  a  lust  farewell. 
At  about  2  o'clock,  p.  M.,  without  a  groan  or  a  struggle, 
he  breathed  his  last.  His  death  was  easy  and  gcutle  as  a 


408  APPENDIX. 

taper  in  the  socket,  and  as  the  summer's  wave  that  dies 
upon  the  shore.     Thus  died  Col.  Aaron  Burr. 

"  His  first  funeral  service  was  performed  by  me  in  the  Port 
Richmond  House,  where  he  died.  Thence  we  took  his 
remains  to  the  chapel  of  Princeton  College,  N.  J.,  where 
Dr.  Carnahan,  the  President,  and  myself,  performed  his 
last  funeral  service  before  the  students,  the  faculty,  the 
military,  and  a  numerous  assemblage,  and  he  was  buried, 
as  he  requested,  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  ancestors. 

"  With  respects,  P.  J.  VANPELT." 


THE   END. 


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•o  many  are  willing  to  risk  domestic  peace,  health,  and  even  life 
itself,  in  a  distant  and  inhospitable  region. 

These  narratives,  like  all  of  those  which  proceed  from  the  sam« 
able  pen,  are  remarkable  not  only  for  their  entertaining  and 
lively  pictures  of  actual  life,  but  for  their  admirable  moral  ten- 
dency. 

It  is  printed  in  excellent  style,  and  embellished  with  a  mezzo- 
tint engraving.  We  cordially  recommend  it  to  the  favour  of  our 
readers.  —  Godey'i  Lady's  Magazine. 

TEN  NIGHTS  IN  A  BAR  ROOM,  AND  WHAT  1 

SAW  THERE.  This  powerfully  written  work,  the  last  and 
best  by  its  popular  Author,  is  meeting  with  immense  sales,  — 
ten  thousand  copies  having  been  ordered  within  a  mon'h  of 
publication.  Young  men  wishing  to  do  good,  and  at  the  same 
time  make  money,  will  find  a  rare  chance  in  selling  this  book. 
It  is  a  large  12mo,  of  240  pages,  illustrated  with  a  beautiful 
mezzotint  engraving,  by  Sartain  ;  printed  on  fine  white  pa- 
per, and  bound  in  the  best  English  muslin,  gilt  back,  and  sold 
at  76  cents.  In  extra  full  gilt  edge,  back  and  sides,  $1.00. 

ffBB  FOLLOWING  ARE  A  FEW  OF  TBK  MANY  NOTICES  OF  THE  PHK8BI 

This  is  a  temperance  volume,  written  in  the  author's  plain, 
(Mart-searching  style.  —  Dollar  Newspaper. 

This  volume  is  the  last  of  those  admirable  temperance  tales,  by 
which  the  author  is  doing  and  has  done  so  much  good.  —  J 


Powerful  an'.l  seasonable.  —  N.  Y.  Independent. 


Its  neenes  are  painfully  graphic,  and  tarnish  thrilling  arg*. 
fcents  for  the  temperance  cause. — Norton'i  Lit.  Gazette. 

Written  In  the  author's  most  forcible  and  vigorous  style.— 
fnhigh  Val.  Times. 

In  the  "Ten  Nights  in  a  Bar-room,"  some  of  the  consequence* 
•f  tavern-keeping,  the  "sowing  of  the  wind"  and  "reaping  the 
wtirlwind"  are  followed  by  a  "fearful  consummation,"  and  th« 
"closing  scene,"  presenting  pictures  of  fearful,  thrilling  interest 
One  touching  passage  supplies  the  beautiful  mezzotint  illustra- 
tions by  Sartain. — Am.  Courier. 

The  sketches  are  powerfully  written,  to  show  the  downward 
career  of  the  tempter  and  the  tempted,  and  the  inevitable  ruin 
which  must  follow.  There  is  no  exaggeration  in  these  pages — 
they  seem  to  have  been  filled  up  from  actual  observation.  Mr. 
Artbjur  has  given  efficient  aid  to  the  cause  of  reform  by  these  in- 
tensely interesting  sketches,  and  we  predict  for  them  an  exten- 
sive sale. — Philadelphia  Sun. 

The  exciting  influences  of  the  wine  cnp,  its  consequent  respon- 
sibility, and  the  inevitable  results  accruing  from  a  free  indulgence, 
in  the  intoxicating  draught,  are  not  only  truthfully,  but  vividly 
portrayed  in  the  author's  best  style. — Daily  Newt. 

This  is  a  strong  temperance  book,  from  the  prolific  pen  of  • 
popular  writer. —  U.  S.  Journal. 

We  are  glad  to  see  Mr.  Arthur  again  in  the  temperance  field. 
He  has  long  been  one  of  our  best  writers. — Journal  Am.  Tem. 
Union. 

Arthur's  tales  usually  bear  a  character  of  simplicity  and  truth- 
fulness  possessing  strong  attractions  for  the  generality  of  readers, 
and  especially  for  those  in  the  daily  enjoyment  of  country  life. 
He  seldom  seems  to  study  for  effect,  except  it  be  in  closely  por- 
traying real  life.  In  these  aspects  the  work  before  us  is  emi- 
mently  successful. — N.  Y.  Sun. 

The  book  exhibits  many  of  the  horrors  of  bar-room  life,  with, 
cot  however  being  defaced  by  some  of  its  most  disgusting  pro* 
{unties  and  brutalities. — Saturday  Evening  Pott. 

We  have  read  it  with  the  most  intense  interest,  and  commend 
It  as  a  work  calculated  to  do  an  immense  amount  of  good. — £<»»• 

taster  Exprett. 


6 

^  j  have  given  this  excellent  work  a  esreful  perusal,  and  an. 
hesitatingly  recommend  it  to  all  lovers  of  good  reading.  It  illus- 
trates rum-drinking  so  truthfully,  that  the  most  skeptical  must 
confess  that  the  truth  is  not  exaggerated.  We  wish  that  all 
lovers  of  bar-rooms  and  rum  would  read  the  book.  It  will  pay 
them  richly  V>  do  so. — N.  Y.  Northern  Blade. 

It  is  sufficient  commendation  of  this  little  volume  to  say  that  il 
is  from,  the  graphic  pen  of  T.  S.  Arthur,  whose  works  will  bo  read 
and  re-read  long  after  he  has  passed  away.  He  is  as  true  to  na- 
ture, as  far  as  he  attempts  to  explore  it,  as  Shakspeare  himself, 
and  his  works,  consequently,  have  an  immense  popularity.  The 
best  of  all  is,  that  his  writings  tend  to  make  men  better  as  well 
as  wiser.  This  little  volume  is  a  thrilling  temperance  story, 
showing  the  progress  from  temptation  to  utter  ruin,  and  the 
remedies  for  the  evils  set  forth.  The  volume  is  beautifully  printed 
and  bound. — New  Haven  Palladium. 

It  is  one  of  the  tales  of  an  author  who  has  no  superior  in  the 
country  in  developing  the  different  passions  of  the  human  heart— 
.Veto  Haven  Jour.  &  Courier. 

There  are  many  scenes  unequalled  for  pathos  and  beauty,  and 
many,  too,  which  are  painful  in  their  sharply-defined  outlines  of 
horror  and  profanity.  The  death  of  little  Mary  can  scarcely  be 
surpassed,  while  the  closing  pnges  of  the  book,  picturing  the 
downfall  of  the  tavern,  amid  the  wreck  of  worldly  hopes  and  the 
ruin  of  every  thing  that  makes  life  worth  the  living  for,  a  dark 
climax  of  vice  and  unrestrained  indulgence,  in  their  sad  and 
necessary  results,  are  too  gloomy  and  too  painfully  real  for  com- 
ment.— N.  Y.  Home  Journal. 

This  is  the  title  of  a  new  temperance  tale  by  T.  S.  Arthur,  who 
has  been  very  successful  in  works  of  this  kind.  His  pictures  are 
vividly  drawn,  and  his  sketches  of  thrilling  interest — Newark 
(N.  J.)  EagU. 

A  new  temperance  volume,  which  displays  the  dark  sides  o) 
fcar-room  life,  and  the  general  intent  if  to  favour  the  passage  of  • 
prohibitory  law. — Newark  (N.  J.)  Advertiser. 


THE  FIRESIDE  ANGEL.     64  pages,  32mo,  with 

an  engraving.     Bound  in  muslin,  gilt  edges.    26  cents. 


MORAL  TALES  FOR  THE  PEOPJ 

VOL.  I. 

VJIB  M£%m®m. 

A  STORY  FOR  MY  YOUNG  COUNTRYWOMEN 

VOL.  II. 

3?  HE    WXIFZS. 
A  STORY  FOR  MY  YOUNG  COUNTRYWOMEN. 

VOL.  III. 


A  STORY  FOR  MY  YOUNG  COUNTRYWOMEN. 

VOL.  IV. 

JLSS    SIHSli; 

OR,  MARRIAGE  AND  CELIBACY  CONTRASTER 

IN  A  SERIES  OF  DOMESTIC   PICTURES. 


8 
VOL.  V. 


A  STORY  OF  MARRIED  LIFE. 


VOL.  VL 


OR,  BEFORE  AND  AFTER  MARRIAGE. 


VOL.  VII. 


i 

OR,  THE  RUNAWAY  MATCH. 


OR,  THE   INDiSCRETiON. 
VOL.  vm. 


AN  AMERICAN  STORY  OF  REAL  LIFE. 


9 

VOL.  IX. 


IR  A  DAUGHTER'S  LOVE  AND  OTHER  TALES. 


VOL.*. 

V2E8 


VOL.  XL 

IPS!   niJL&VYB  WXfSB. 


OR,  TWO  ERAS  }H  MY  LIFE. 


10 

VOL.  XII. 


i 

OR,  THE  PALACE  AND  THE  POOR  HOUSE. 

A  Eomance  of  Real  Life. 


WHICH  MAKES  THE  LADY. 

The  phive  twelve  volumes,  18mo.,  Muslin,  Gilt  Back,  may 
be  had  separately,  or  in  Boxes  containing  the  sett.  38  Cents 
per  Volume. 

Also,  in  Pour  Volumes,  12mo.,  Muslin,  Gilt  Back.  $1.  each. 


"  They  are  the  Tery  best  of  Mr.  Arthur's  moral  tales,  and  should  be 
a  fixture  in  every  household,  being  not  only  pleasant  stories,  hut  the 
purest  of  moral  lessons.  If  such  fictions  only  as  these  were  placed  in  the 
hands  of  our  young  people,  and  adopted  as  models,  we  would  bare  no  rea- 
son to  fear  for  them,  whatever  their  condition  in  life  might  be." — City  Item, 

"  The  honorable  and  virtuous  sentiments,  and  the  practical  good  sense 
which  pervades  all  the  works  of  Mr.  Arthur,  are  conspicuous  iu  the  3ou- 
Uuts  of  the  moral  library." — Oodey's  Lady't  Book. 

"  Mr.  Arthur's  moral  stories  have  justly  received  high  commendation. 
Their  object  is  to  Improve,  refine,  and  elevate  the  mdnd  and  the  manners." 
Alexandria  Gazette. 

*  They  are  all  of  thrilling  interest  and  high  moral  tendencies  and 
khouldbe  in  every  family.'' — Fttdrickibwrg,  Fa.  TVeto* 


no 


A    000676032    6 


